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1V(. 


JOSEPH   DENIEFFE 


f 


il 


A  PERSONAL  NARRAHVE 


OF   THE 


Iri 


II 


GIVING  A  FAITHFUL  REPORT  OF  THE 


PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  FROM  1855  to  1867 


WRITTEN,   AT  THE  REQUEST  OF  FRIENDS, 


BY   JOSEPH    DENIEFFE, 


To  which  is  added,  in  corroboration,  an  Appendix  con- 
taining Important  Letters  and  Papers  written  by  James 
Stephens,  John  O'Mahony,  John  Mitchel,  Thomas  J. 
Kelly  and  other  Leaders  of  the  Movement. 


NEW   YORK: 

THE   GAEL   PUBLISHING   CO. 

140   NASSAU   STREET, 
1906. 


BOSTON  COLLEGE  LIBRARY 
CHKST^UT  HILL,  MASS. 


denieffe's  recollections  were  printed 
serially  in  the  gael  (s.  j.  richardson, 
editor  and  publisher),   new  york,   1904. 


3/ 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Joseph  Denieffe Frontispiece 

Colonel  Michael  Doheny vi 

John    Haltigan 8 

James   Stephens IG,  127 

Patrick  O'Rourke 19 

Captain  Michael  Corcoran 21 

o'donovan  rossa 35 

Thomas  Clarke  Luby 42 

Dr.   Denis   Dowling   Mulcaiiy 47 

John  O'Leary 49,  105 

Edward   Duffy 57 

Hugh  F.  Brophy 59 

Colonel  John  O'Mahony 61 

Terence  Bellew  McManus 64 

John    Devoy 76 

Dr.  Mulcahy,  Thomas  Clarke  Luby  and  John  O'Leary.  .     82 

Charles   J.   Kickham 83,  180 

Daniel   H.   Gleason 85 

Colonel  Thomas   J.   Kelly 92 

Patrick  J.  Meehan 97 

P.   W.   Dunne 100 

John  J.   Breslin 117 

James  Haltigan 119 

John   Flood 125 

Miss   Ellen   O'Leary 131 

Colonel  William  R.  Roberts 138 

Patrick  Lennon 142 

James  and  John  O'Connor 152 

Michael    Breslin 154 

NiAL    Breslin 156 

John    Mitchel 202 

Brigadier-General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  U.  S.  A 267 

General  Michael  Kerwin,  U.  S.  A 281 


2115 


INTRODUCTION. 

n^  HE  years  between  1855  and  1867  cover  a  period 

■*■  of  Irish  history  which  has  been  much  misrepre- 
sented by  current  English  writers  and  those  who 
seek  to  justify  England  in  her  course  in  Ire- 
land. We  think  it  is  time  now  that  the  whole  truth 
should  be  told,  and  justice  done  to  the  memory  of  those 
bra\e  and  sincere  patriots  who  took  up  Ireland's  cause 
at  a  time  when  everything  looked  dark  and  hopeless. 

At  the  time  the  Irish  Revolutionary  Brotherhood  was 
founded  in  Ireland  the  country  was  after  passing  through 
a  most  terrible  ordeal.  During  the  ten  years  from  1845 
to  1855  she  lost  over  two  millions  of  her  population,  more 
than  half  of  whom  were  killed  by  a  manufactured  famine, 
while  the  rest  were  reduced  to  the  direst  poverty,  with 
the  emigrant  ship  and  the  poor  house  staring  them  in  the 
face. 

On  April  9,  1855,  Archdeacon  Fitzgerald,  a  patriotic 
priest,  wrote  to  Gavan  DufTy  that  all  hope  for  the  poor  of 
Ireland  was  dead,  and  the  latter,  who  was  about  to  quit 
Ireland  in  despair,  thus  wrote  in  his  farewell  address : — 

"It  may  be  thought  I  despair  too  soon  of  the  present 
time.  If  there  be  any  who  honestly  think  so,  let  them 
try  to  do  better,  and  may  God  prosper  them.  For  me,  I 
have  tried.  For  seven  years  I  have  kept  the  green  flag 
flying  alone  or  with  but  a  handful  of  friends;  for  twice 
seven  years  I  have  thought,  written  and  acted  to  one  sole 
end.  In  these  five  years  I  have  been  five  times  prose- 
cuted by  the  English  Government,  and  wasted  thirteen 
months  of  my  life  in  English  prisons.  I  have  'spent 
and  been  spent'  cheerfully  in  fortune,  health,  peace, 
the  duties  of  home  and  the  rights  of  my  children ;  always 
in  exhausting  personal  conflict  with  a  hired  press  and  all 
who  lived,  or  hope  to  live,  by  corruption.  It  may  be  the 
result  is  small  and  I  am  an  unprofitable  servant,  but  I  have 
done  my  best." 


iv  INTRODUCTION. 

The  author  of  our  history,  Mr.  Joseph  Denieffe,  a  na- 
tive of  the  City  of  Kilkenny,  was  then  a  resident  of 
New  York,  and  a  member  of  the  Emmet  Monument 
Association.  He  was  called  to  Ireland  by  the  serious 
illness  of  his  father,  and  on  the  eve  of  his  departure 
was  given  a  commission  to  found  the  organization  in 
that  country. 

It  is  here  Mr.  Denieffe  takes  up  his  narrative,  and 
from  that  time  until  1867 — when  all  hope  was  tem- 
porarily abandoned — he  took  a  leading  part  in  the 
movement,  and  was  twice  sent  as  a  delegate  to  this 
country  by  the  men  in  Ireland.  He  is,  therefore,  in  a 
position  to  speak  with  authority  on  the  subject  of 
which  he  writes.  He  was  always  in  close  touch  with 
James  Stephens,  the  Chief  Organizer  of  the  Irish 
Revolutionary  Brotherhood,  and  his  place  of  business 
in  Dublin  was  for  many  years  the  headquarters  of  the 
Organization.  He  was  one  of  its  most  useful,  loyal  and 
enthusiastic  workers;  nothing  was  done  or  contem- 
plated without  his  knowledge  and  counsel.  His  story 
is  a  graphic  ''inside"  history  of  the  movement,  and  can 
be  accepted  as  the  exact  truth. 

Of  all  men  now  living  Mr.  Denieffe  is  the  most  com- 
petent to  deal  with  the  events  which  transpired  in  Ireland 
between  1855  and  1867.  He  does  not  claim  to  be  a  great 
writer  or  a  possessor  of  literary  style,  but  he  tells  his 
story  in  a  clear  and  entertaining  manner,  while  sincerity 
and  truth  are  stamped  on  every  line. 

]\Ir.  Denieffe  is  now  a  resident  of  Chicago.  During 
his  long  life  he  has  devoted  himself  to  the  betterment  of 
his  people,  and  has  made  many  sacrifices  in  their  behalf. 
He  has  been  through  the  fire  and  not  found  wanting,  and 
well  deserves  the  repose  and  honor  due  a  good  and  faithful 
servant. 

In  order  that  our  readers  may  clearly  understand  the 
graphic  story  told  by  Mr.  Denieffe,  we  deem  it  advis- 
able to  give  a  brief  review  of  Irish  affairs  in  America 
previous  to  his  time,  and  of  the  events  which  gradually 
led  up  to  and  finally  crystallized  into  the  most  power- 
ful secret  revolutionary  society  that  ever  existed. 

After  the  abortive  rising  in  '48  whatever  opinions 


INTRODUCTION.  v 

were  entertained  regarding  the  cause  of  the  sudden, 
and  to  Americans,  inexplicable,  collapse  and  failure 
which  took  place  in  Ireland,  it  was  pretty  generally 
recognized  and  conceded  that  it  was  mainly  owing  to 
a  lack  of  military  knowledge  in  those  engaged  in  the 
revolutionary  movement.  The  Irish  peasantry  had 
been  led  into  revolt  without  arms  or  military  training 
or  even  a  commissariat.  Their  leaders,  without  ma- 
terial means  or  scientific  knowledge,  had  failed  to 
provide  these  indispensable  requirements  to  a  success- 
ful rising,  and  in  consequence,  the  insurrection  became 
a  dismal  failure. 

While  preparations  for  the  '48  revolt  were  yet  being 
made  in  Ireland,  a  military  organization  known  as 
"The  Irish  Republican  Union"  had  been  set  on  foot  in 
New  York  by  a  few  sterling  Irish  patriots,  chief  among 
whom  were  Michael  Phelan,  James  F.  Markey  and 
John  G.  Fay,  all  well-known  citizens  at  that  time.  Mr. 
Phelan  financed  the  organization  and  to  his  energy  and 
liberality  the  rapid  progress  made  by  the  new  organi- 
zation was  mainly  due.  To  Mr.  Markey  belonged  the 
honor  of  raising  and  disciplining  the  first  military 
company  for  this  new  organization.  It  was  the  first 
military  body  organized  in  America  for  Irish  Revolu- 
tionary purposes.  It  was  called  the  "Irish  Fusileers," 
and  subsequently  became  the  Mitchell  Guards,  Co.  C, 
9th  Regiment,  New  York  State  Militia.  Mr.  John  G. 
Fay  was  an  active  worker  in  the  movement  and  be- 
came Adjutant  of  the  organization. 

Towards  the  close  of  1849,  the  Irish  Republican 
Union  was  organized  into  companies  according  to  ac- 
cepted military  regulations  and  was  regularly  ofiicered 
preparatory  to  its  becoming  incorporated  into  the  New 
York  State  Militia.  Michael  Doheny,  who  had  fled 
from  Ireland  the  year  before,  was  elected  captain  of 
one  of  these  companies.  In  May,  1850,  the  Irish  mili- 
tary organization  was  formally  admitted  into  the  ser- 
vice of  the  State  and  thenceforth  became  known  as  the 
Ninth  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.  The  military  spirit 
evoked  among  Irish-born  citizens  of  New  York  by  the 
appearance  of  a  State  regiment  wearing  their  "immor- 


vi  INTRODUCTION. 

tal  green"  on  St.  Patrick's  Day,  1851,  soon  led  to  the 
formation  of  a  second  Irish  Regiment,  the  "Sixty- 
ninth.''  Col.  Charles  S.  Roe  was  its  first  commander,  and 
Michael  Doheny  was  Lieutenant  Colonel,  which  position 
he  held  until  November,  1853,  when  he  resigned.  He 
subsequently  became  Colonel  of  the  ''Seventy-fifth" 
(or  Irish  Rifles),  the  third  Irish  regiment  incorporated 
into  the  State  Militia. 


COLONEL  MICHAEL  DOHENY. 


The  most  fame  came  to  the  Sixty-ninth  through  its  first 
war  colonel,  Michael  Corcoran.  At  the  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War  it  was  the  most  talked  about  regiment  in  the 
United  States.  Colonel  Corcoran  had  been  ordered  to 
parade  the  regiment  in  honor  of  the  visit  of  the  young 
Prince  of  Wales,  now  King  Edward,  of  England.  The 
regiment  was  then  as  distinctively  and  pronouncedly  Irish 
in  its  organization  as  at  any  time  in  its  history.  Cor- 
coran flatly  refused.     He  was  placed  under  arrest  and 


INTRODUCTION.  vii 

relieved  from  command.  Charges  were  preferred 
against  him  for  disobedience  of  orders,  insubordination 
and  disrespect  to  superiors.  A  court  martial  was  or- 
dered, but  pending  its  first  sitting  Fort  Sumter  was 
fired  on  and  President  Lincoln  made  his  first  call  for 
troops.  Horace  Greeley,  Richard  O'Gorman  and  others 
interceded  with  Governor  Morgan,  pointing  out  that 
the  regiment  was  needed  to  defend  Washington,  and 
the  charges  were  dismissed.  Colonel  Corcoran  was  re- 
stored to  the  command  and  the  reg^iment  was  at  once  sent 
to  the  front. 

No  regiment  of  the  militia  acquitted  itself  with  more 
honor  in  the  Civil  War  than  the  Sixty-ninth.  It  was 
cut  up  and  recruited  eight  different  times.  Three  regi- 
ments were  in  the  war  as  representatives  of  the  Sixty- 
ninth.  These  were  the  original  Sixty-ninth  militia, 
another  Sixty-ninth  which  became  part  of  the  Irish  bri- 
gade and  a  third  made  up  after  the  other  two  had  gone 
into  the  field  and  been  cut  to  pieces. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  Colonel  Corcoran  was  thrown 
from  a  horse  and  killed.  He  had  ridden  down  to  a  sta- 
tion near  Washington  to  see  General  Meagher  off  for 
the  North.  He  rode  Meagher's  horse  back.  The  gen- 
eral was  a  fine  horseman  and  had  spirited  animals. 
Corcoran  was  not  used  to  such  a  horse,  and  the  ani- 
mal ran  away,  throwing  his  rider. 

Towards  the  close  of  1853,  the  certainty  of  England 
becoming  involved  in  a  war  with  Russia  filled  the 
hearts  of  Irish  Nationalists  in  America  with  hope : 
and  the  arrival  of  John  Mitchell  and  John  O'Mahony 
about  the  same  time  gave  fresh  impulse  to  the  existing 
Irish  military  organizations  and  soon  led  to  the  forma- 
tion of  another — a  secret  military  organization,  which 
was  called  into  existence  for  the  special  purpose  of 
preparing  for  the  opportunity  which  all  expected  would 
be  soon  afforded  them. 

This  new  revolutionary  society  was  known  as  the 
"Emmet  Monument  Association,"  and  was  ostensibly 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  monument  to 
Robert  Emmet.  According  to  tradition,  no  monument 
can  be  erected  to  Emmet  "until  Ireland  a  nation  can 


viii  INTRODUCTION. 

build  him  a  tomb,"  therefore,  the  work  of  the  Emmet 
Monument  Association  presupposed  the  freedom  of 
Ireland  as  a  necessary  preliminary. 

The  new  organization  spread  rapidly  until  it  num- 
bered within  its  ranks  the  greater  portion  of  the  or- 
ganized Irish  Nationalists  throughout  the  chief  cities 
of  the  Union. 

Its  leaders  entered  into  confidential  relations  with 
the  representatives  of  Russia  at  Washington  and  New 
York  as  other  Irish  leaders  of  the  present  day  have 
done  within  the  past  few  months — a  case  of  history 
repeating  itself. 

The  representatives  of  the  Emmet  Monument  Asso- 
ciation apparently  satisfied  the  Russian  gentlemen  of 
the  power  and  influence  of  the  Irish  element  in  Amer- 
ica and  of  the  expediency  of  Russia's  aiding  their  pro- 
ject of  creating  a  revolution  in  Ireland  and  thus 
striking  at  the  British  Empire  in  its  most  vital  part, 
so  that  the  Consul  held  out  to  them  the  strongest 
hopes  of  their  obtaining  from  the  Russian  Government 
all  the  material  aid  they  required — namely,  the  means 
of  fitting  out  an  armed  expedition  for  Ireland. 

The  muster-roll  of  one  of  the  companies  composing 
"The  Emmet  Monument  Association"  is  still  in  ex- 
istence. It  is  dated  exactly  fifty  years  ago  and  few  of 
its  members  are  now  alive.  There  were  one  hundred 
men  and  two  officers  in  the  company.  In  order  that 
their  names  may  be  preserved  and  handed  down  the 
muster-roll  is  given  herewith. 

"THE  EDWARD  FITZGERALD  GUARD." 

Organized  April  7th,  1854. 

Captain — John  O'Mahony. 

First  Lieutenant — Michael  F.  Nagle. 

John   Barnade.  John  D.  Hughes.  Mich.   O'Boyle. 

Michael   Barry.  Peter  Ivory.  W.   O'Callaghan. 

C.  Boobidge.  Chas.  J.  Jackson.  Pat.   O'Donnell. 

James  Boyd.  F.  A.  Jackson.         Thos.   O'Higgins. 

Denis  Brown.  Charles  Jones.        Owen  O'Neill. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Edward  Brown. 
R.  J.  Brown. 
Thomas  Burke. 


J.  H.  Kelly. 
M.  A.  Kelly. 
Louis   Kenyon. 


Edw.  K.  Butler.    Wm.  E.  Lalor. 
John  C.  Byrne.      James  Lanigan. 


Patrick  Carr. 
B.  J.  Casey. 
James  Connor. 
Joseph  Corlies. 


Rich.  O'Neill. 
Chas.   O'Reilly. 
F.  O'Ryan. 
P.  O'Ryan. 
H.  S.  Persse. 
M.  H.  Power. 
W.  F.  Power. 
Edward   Price. 
Michael  Price. 


James  Earrell. 
John  G.  Fay. 
John  C.  Foley. 
Pat.   Gallagher. 


Thomas  Leddy. 

John  C.  Lynch. 

Patrick  Lynch. 

Thomas  Lynch. 
Andrew  Cullem.    Frederick  Lyster.  Philip  Reid. 
Edw.  Cummins.     John   McAllister.  Jas.  Riordan. 
John  Curry.  Chas.   McCarthy.  Michael  Ryan. 

William  Curry.       H.  McConnell.       Patrick  Ryan. 
Owen   Dermody.  P.  Mclntyre.  Edw.  F.  Sinnott. 

William   Dooley.  J.  W.  McManus.  Wm.  T.  Sinnott. 
John  Duane.  J.  McNamara.        Edward  Sisk. 

S.  Fannon.  W.S. McNamara.    James  Skehan. 

Francis  Earrell.     William   Maynes.  Michael    Skehan. 

Pat.  J.  Meehan.     William  Tierney. 

Samuel  Mitchell.    L.  Verdon. 

Michael  Mullin. 

B.  P.  Murphy. 
Peter   Gaughran.  C.  Murphy. 
John    Geoghegan.  Edw.   Murphy. 
Michael   Hannon.  Patrick   Murphy.  William  Walsh. 
David  Hinds.  Richard   Murphy.  John  Warren. 

Patrick  Hogan.      Wm.  Murphy.        Edward  White. 
Bryan  Holland.     Peter  Murray. 
Dan'l  S.  Howley.  Rich.  J.  Nagle. 

For  various  reasons  the  help  promised  by  Russia 
never  materialized ;  delay  and  proscrastination  seemed 
to  be  the  rule  until  finally  the  Crimean  war  came  to  an 
unexpected  close,  thereby  ending  all  hopes  of  assist- 
ance from  their  new  ally.  At  this  juncture  it  was 
deemed  expedient  by  the  directors  of  the  E.  M.  A.  to 
formally  dissolve  the  association  and  release  the  mem- 
bers from  their  pledges.  Before  this  course  was  taken, 
however,  they  took  the  precaution  of  first  forming  a 
permanent  committee,  consisting  of  thirteen  men,  rep- 
resentatives of  the  several  divisions  of  the  society.  This 
committee  was  empowered  to  resuscitate  the  organiza- 


Maurice  Wall. 
Patrick  J.  Wall. 
J.  S.  Walsh. 
Michael  Walsh. 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

tion  whenever  they  deemed  the  proper  time  had  come 
for  taking  such  a  step. 

It  may  be  remarked  here  that  when  the  Emmet 
Monument  Association  was  in  existence  there  were 
more  armed,  disciplined  and  determined  Irishmen  in 
New  York  pledged  to  the  cause  of  Ireland's  freedom 
than  there  have  been  at  any  time  since. 

After  an  interregnum  of  two  years,  the  ever  watch- 
ful patriots  composing  the  committee  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  time  had  again  arrived  for  renewing 
preparations  for  an  Irish  revolutionary  movement  on 
a  large  scale  and  accordingly  summoned  the  members 
of  the  E.  M.  A.,  and  from  its  members  commenced 
the  formation  of  a  new  organization,  which  they  des- 
ignated the  Fenian  Brotherhood. 

Mr.  Denieffe  joined  the  Emmet  Monument  Asso- 
ciation in  1855,  while  hope  for  Ireland  was  still  strong 
on  account  of  the  European  war.  He  spread  the  or- 
ganization in  Ireland  on  the  same  basis  as  it  existed  in 
America  until  the  arrival  of  James  Stephens,  when,  on 
St.  Patrick's  Day,  1858,  the  Irish  Revolutionary 
Brotherhood  was  launched  into  existence,  the  old  or- 
ganization being  incorporated  and  continuing  under  the 
new  name.  editor  the  gael. 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE 

IRISH 

REVOLUTIONARY   BROTHERHOOD. 


RECOLLECTIONS 

.     OF  THE 

IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY   BROTHERHOOD. 


CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY  in  June,  1855,  the  Emmet  Monument  Associa- 
tion of  New  York  was  steadily  organizing,  and  its 
members  were  drilling  once  a  week.  The  object 
of  the  Association  was  the  invasion  and  freedom  of  Ire- 
land. Only  those  were  admitted  to  membership  who 
were  free  from  family  obligations,  such  as  having  a  wife, 
mother,  or  others,  depending  upon  them  for  support. 
Each  and  every  member  should  be  ready  to  serve  at  a 
moment's  notice.  This  was  the  organization  from  which 
sprung,  a  few  years  later,  the  great  Fenian  Brotherhood. 
Michael  Doheny  (i),  John  O'Mahony  and  other  ex- 
iles of  the  Forty-eight  movement  were  its  organizers. 
As  soon  as  I  became  aware  of  its  existence  I  spoke  con- 
cerning it  to  my  friend,  Patrick  Mackey,  also  a  Forty 
eight  man,  who  had  been  a  student  in  St.  Kyran's  Co)' 
lege,  Kilkenny,  preparing  for  the  priesthood  at  tha^ 
time.  After  the  failure  at  Ballingarry,  in  which  he  was 
engaged,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  Ireland  and  go  to  the 

(1)  Michael  Doheny  and  John  O'Mahony  made  good  their 
escape  from  Ireland  after  Smith  O'Brien  failed  in  his  efforts 
to  create  a  revolution.  The  latter  was  captured,  sentenced  to 
be  hanged,  drawn  and  quartered,  but  his  sentence  was  com- 
muted to  exile  for  life  in  Tasmania.  After  serving  Ave  years 
he  was  pardoned  and  allowed  to  return  to  Ireland, 

Michael  Doheny  was   a   lawyer   in   New   York,   a   Colonel  of 


2  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

United  States.  His  family,  selling  out  their  property, 
followed  him.     He  was  a  particular  friend  of  mine. 

I  suggested  that  we  join  the  organization,  and  it  was 
arranged  that  I  should  join  first,  and  inform  him  if  there 
was  an  oath  or  any  obligation  which  would  prevent  him 
from  joining,  as  he  had  some  conscientious  scruples  in 
that  regard.  In  that  case  I  could  let  him  know  when 
the  invasion  was  to  take  place,  when  he  would  join  us  as 
a  volunteer. 

I  became  a  member  of  the  Association,  but  found  I 
could  give  no  information  to  my  friend.  It  was  the  old 
story  of  the  man  joining  the  Free  Masons.  If  his  friends 
wanted  to  know  anything  of  the  order  they  would  have  to 
become  Masons  themselves. 

About  this  time  I  received  a  letter  from  home^  informing 
me  of  my  father's  illness,  his  death  being  expected  at  any 
moment.  This  letter,  written  by  my  youngest  brother, 
was  very  brief,  and  showed  signs  of  deep  sorrow.  I  im- 
mediately went  to  my  employer,  Mr.  Wm.  H.  Stewart, 
then  under  the  St.  Nicholas  Hotel,  Broadway,  and  showed 
him  the  letter.      I  told  him  I  wished  to  leave  for  home  at 


one  of  the  Irish  reg-iments,  and  was  sent  as  delegate  to  Ireland 
with  the  remains  of  Terence  Bellew  McManiis.  He  was  an 
orator  of  great  ability  and  was  the  author  of  "The  Felon's 
Track,"  a  book  descriptive  of  his  escape  from  Ireland,  and  a 
"History  of  the  American  Revolution."  He  died  in  New  York 
in   1861. 

John  O'Mahony,  after  '48.  escaped  to  France  and  lived  there 
for  two  years  with  James  Stephens.  It  was  during  this  period 
that  they  formed  the  plan  of  creating  a  great  organization, 
with  branches  in  Ireland  and  America,  for  the  liberation  of  Ire- 
land, Stephens  agreeing  to  take  charge  in  Ireland  and  O'Ma- 
hony in  America.  In  185G,  after  the  Crimean  War  was  over,  the 
Emmet  Monument  Association  was  allowed  to  wane,  but  out  of 
its  remains,  two  years  later,  was  organized  the  Fenian  Brother- 
hood, which  rapidly  grew  in  numbers  and  influence.  John 
O'Mahony  was  its  Head  Centre  or  Chief  Executive.  He  was 
also  Colonel  of  the  Ninety-ninth  New  York  Volunteers  during 
the  Civil  TVar,  was  editor  of  the  Irish  People  Newspaper  and 
Sunday  Citizen,  and  translated  Keating's  History  of  Ireland 
from  the  Irish.  He  died  in  New  York  in  1877.  His  body  was 
taken  to  Ireland  for  interment  and  his  funeral,  like  that  of 
T.  B.  McManus,  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  great  national 
demonstration.     He  rests  in  Glasnevin  Cemetery,   Dublin. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  3 

once,  and  asked  him  to  excuse  me  for  leaving  on  so  short 
a  notice. 

"It  is  hard  on  both  of  us,"  said  he.  "I  don't  Hke  you 
to  leave,  but  hope  you  will  soon  return  and  report  to  me." 

At  this  time  travelling  by  steam  was  very  expensive,  but 
there  were  some  fast  sailing  clipper  ships,  boats  that  made 
the  passage  inside  of  eighteen  days.  I  engaged  passage 
on  one  of  these,  the  ''Emerald  Isle,"  belonging  to  the  Tap- 
scot  Line.  I  met  in  the  office  of  the  Company  a  Dublin 
friend  I  knew  very  well,  who  was  going  across  on  a  dif- 
ferent purpose  to  mine.      He  was  going  to  be  married. 

After  securing  my  passage  I  went  to  see  Col.  Doheny, 
told  him  of  my  unexpected  departure,  and  asked  him  who 
I  was  to  report  to  on  the  other  side.  "We  have  no  one 
there  as  yet,"  he  replied.  "So  we  give  you  carte  blanche 
to  do  what  you  can  for  the  organization  and  yourself." 

I  was  amazed  at  this  announcement,  as  I  understood  a 
descent  was  to  be  made  on  Ireland  early  in  the  following 
September.  John  O'Mahony  was  present,  as  was  also 
James  Roche,  formerly  editor  of  the  Kilkenny  Journal. 

I  asked  what  time  or  date  could  I  announce  to  any 
friends  I  might  organize  as  the  time  they  expected  to 
move  on  Ireland. 

"You  may  assure  them,"  was  the  reply,  "the  time  will 
be  September.  We  have  thirty  thousand  men  ready  now, 
and  all  we  need  is  money,  and  arrangements  are  under 
way  to  provide  it.  We  propose  to  issue  bonds  and  some 
of  the  wealthiest  men  of  our  race  are  willing  to  take 
them." 

That  was  my  commission,  and  I  went  with  a  cheerful 
heart,  although  I  had  no  one  in  Ireland  to  report  to.  Oh, 
what  a  charming  period  is  youth,  when  nothing  seems  im- 
possible. 

Next  morning  I  met  my  Dublin  friend  at  Tapscott's 
Office,  and  two  others  with  him,  one  of  whom  was  going 
across  to  receive  a  legacy  left  to  him  by  his  father,  in 
Kingstown.  The  other  would  like  to  come,  but  had  no 
money ;  he  was  expecting  some  every  day.  He,  like  his 
friend,  had  also  fallen  in  for  some  property,  and  was  de- 
sirous to  be  with  us.  We  arranged  that  he  could  also 
come. 


4  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE   OF  THE   / 

We  had  plenty  of  everything  necessary  for  a  long  voy- 
age— given  us  by  friends.  Tom,  my  first  acquaintance, 
had  three  cases  of  wine,  given  by  his  employers,  besides 
some  more  potent  beverage,  and  I  was  also  well  supplied. 
After  some  hand  shaking  and  other  manifestations  of  af- 
fection by  our  friends,  we  got  on  board,  and  sailed  out  of 
New  York  Bay. 

It  never  locked  so  beautiful  to  me  as  it  did  on  that  day. 
There  was  not  a  cloud  to  be  seen  in  the  sky.  A  good 
stiff  breeze  in  our  stern,  w^hich  caught  us  after  passing 
Sandy  Hook,  kept  up  all  the  way  across  until  we  came 
abreast  of  Cape  Clear.  The  whole  passage  was  pleas- 
ant, and  nothing  occurred  to  mar  our  enjoyment.  There 
were  but  few  passengers,  all  of  them  belonging  to  the 
middle  class,  excepting  one,  who  was  constantly  in  the 
company  of  the  Captain. 

After  the  first  day  was  passed  all  became  pretty  well 
acquainted,  and  seemed  as  if  they  had  known  each  other 
for  a  lifetime.  We  were  all  of  the  same  race,  without  a 
single  exception.  Tom  became  a  great  favorite.  It  was 
he  who  started  all  our  amusements,  and  when  any  one  felt 
down  hearted,  or  was  thinking  too  deeply,  he  would  stir 
them  up.  If  he  found  them  too  gloomy  he  would  take 
them  to  our  quarters  and  give  them  some  solace. 

During  the  trip  an  interesting  event  took  place  which 
to  some  was  very  amusing,  and  which  after  those  most 
concerned  were  well  and  out  of  danger  brought  consola- 
tion to  the  one  most  interested.  A  lady  was  confined 
and  gave  birth  to  a  fine  boy.  It  was  the  intention  of  the 
father  to  have  him  born  in  Ireland.  The  poor  dear 
woman  felt  disappointed  and  could  not  account  for  it ; 
she  looked  as  if  she  accused  herself  of  some  mistake,  and 
couldn't  get  over  it.  However,  as  soon  as  the  condition 
of  her  ladyship  permitted  a  visit  from  the  quartet  it  was 
made.  We  congratulated  her  on  her  good  luck,  and  how 
providential  it  was  that  the  boy  was  born  on  the  "Emerald 
Isle."  We  had  an  impromptu  christening.  As  the  boy 
was  strong  and  healthy  we  had  no  formal  baptism,  but 
every  feature  of  the  ceremony  was  duly  celebrated  and 
observed  with  respect  and  decorum.  Thus  the  time  was 
passed.       How  it  flew  over  us ! 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  5 

On  the  seventeenth  day,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
we  heard  the  watch  call  out  "Land  ahead."  Tom  jumped 
into  his  clothes  and  was  on  deck  in  a  few  minutes.  He 
soon  came  tumbling  down  the  companion  ladder  shouting, 
"Boys,  we  are  in  sight  of  Cape  Clear !"  We  all  got  into 
our  clothes  as  soon  as  we  could.  Tom,  bringing  the  last 
bottle  of  champagne,  mounted  on  deck.  The  Captain  and 
his  friend  were  already  there.  Tom  broached  the  bottle, 
filled  the  cup  and  with  eyes  full  of  gladness  drank  to  the 
land  of  his  love.  All  followed,  each  in  turn  repeating 
the  sentiment  in  raptures  of  thanksgiving.  The  Captain 
and  his  friend  approached  us,  and  complimented  us  in 
very  nice  terms;  he  wished  he  had  on  every  voyage 
four  passengers  who  took  such  an  interest  in  making 
others  happy. 

Very  soon  we  came  abreast  of  the  Old  Head  of  Kinsale, 
and  steered  down  channel.  What  a  day  to  me!  We 
kept  close  to  the  land  all  the  way  to  the  County  Water- 
ford.  We  could  see  the  green  fields  and  the  people  mov- 
ing along.  The  hills,  so  sacred  to  Irishmen,  were  smil- 
ing a  welcome  to  us.  We  gradually  lost  sight  of  them, 
as  we  made  for  Liverpool. 

We  arrived  in  Liverpool  the  next  day,  and  after  some 
delay  passed  the  Custom  House.  We  found  we  had  a 
few  hours  to  spend  before  our  boat  left  for  Ireland,  so 
we  took  a  stroll  through  the  city,  seeing  nothing  worthy 
of  notice,  except  the  docks,  which  are  very  extensive. 

We  were  glad  when  the  time  arrived  to  get  on  board 
our  boat,  which  we  did  in  the  nick  of  time.  When  we 
entered  the  cabin  we  were  surprised  to  find  our  friend, 
the^  Captain's  companion,  sitting  alone  awaiting  supper, 
which  he  had  ordered. 

As  soon  as  he  saw  us  he  beckoned  us  to  him,  shook 
hands  and  ordered  supper  for  all^  insisting  that  we  should 
be  his  guests  for  the  evening. 

He  was  evidently  glad  to  see  us,  and  later  told  us  of  an 
experience  with  a  Customs  Ofiicer. 

While  in  the  Custom  House  his  trunks  and  mine  lay 
close  together.  He  was  apparently  in  haste  to  get  away, 
and  hailed  one  of  the  inspectors  who  was  standing  a  little 
way  off,  and  asked  him  to  pass  his  traps.      One  of  these 


6  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

was  a  square,  seafaring  chest,  on  which  lay  a  sovereign, 
which  the  inspector  put  in  his  pocket.  He  put  his  official 
mark  on  each  of  the  trunks,  did  the  same  to  mine  and  we 
passed  out.  ''You  saw  that  sea  chest,"  said  he.  ''It  is 
full  to  the  lid  with  plug  tobacco."  Beating  a  British 
Custom  House  he  thought  was  an  act  to  be  com.mended. 
In  this  case  we  heartily  agreed  with  him.  He  then  told 
us  that  this  was  his  first  visit  to  Ireland,  since  he  left  it^ 
a  boy,  from  Youghall,  County  Waterford,  for  America, 
where  he  spent  his  years  coasting  around  South  America, 
Mexico  and  the  United  States.  He  did  not  expect  to 
meet  any  one  he  knew  on  his  return,  as  he  had  not  heard 
from  any  of  his  friends  for  many  years. 

We  spent  the  night  pleasantly,  and  arrived  at  the  North 
Wall  in  due  time,  where  we  put  our  friend  in  a  cab, 
and  directed  the  jarvey  to  take  him  to  the  Shelburne 
Hotel,  where  the  proprietor,  Martin  Burke,  would  give 
him  all  the  information  needed  during  his  stay  in  Dublin. 

We  wended  our  way  to  Terry  McCabe's,  near  Carlisle 
Bridge,  where  Tom  was  well  known.  I  would  have  gone 
direct  to  Kilkenny,  but  could  not  get  away  from  Tom.  He 
wanted  me  to  see  his  father  and  his  best  girl,  so  I  con- 
cluded to  stay  over  night  with  him.  He  didn't  care  to 
go  home  right  away,  so  we  went  to  the  Theatre  Royal,  in 
Hawkins  street.  We  took  seats  in  the  pit,  close  to  the 
orchestra.  Between  the  first  piece  and  the  last  the  or- 
chestra struck  up  "God  Save  the  Queen."  All  took  off 
their  hats  in  that  part  of  the  house.  I  did  not  understand 
the  thing,  and  did  not  remove  mine.  All  around  me 
shouted,  "Take  your  hat  off!'^  I  paid  no  attention  to 
them.  One  fellow  near  me  said  if  I  didn't  he  would  re- 
move it.  He  made  an  attempt,  and  I  knocked  him  over 
a  seat.  Immediately  the  gods  on  the  top  gallery  shouted, 
"Bravo,"  "Jump  on  him,"  etc.  All  was  turmoil  in  a  mo- 
ment. I  was  ordered  out.  "I  will  go,"  I  said,  "but 
hope  the  next  time  I  come  I  shall  not  be  annoyed  with  this 
anthem,  as  you  are  pleased  to  call  it.  I  call  it  an  insult 
to  the  Irish  people,  who  have  not  as  yet  become  slaves." 
I  must  say  the  majority  of  those  present  were  on  my 
side. 

We  got  home  safely  to  our  hotel.       Next  morning  be- 


IRISH    REVOLl^TIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  7 

fore  we  got  out  of  bed,  Tom's  father,  hearing  of  his  arri- 
val, called,  and  after  some  greeting  and  scolding  took  us 
to  his  house  for  breakfast.  After  a  little  while  we  went 
to  see  Tom's  fiancee  and  friends.  I  was  obHged  to  spend 
another  night  in  Dublin. 

Next  day,  Sunday,  I  left  for  home,  and  arrived  in 
Kilkenny  at  9  o'clock  in  the  evening.  Although  a  fine 
bright  night,  very  few  people  were  at  the  depot.  I  passed 
through  John  street  and  over  the  bridge,  which  commands 
such  a  fine  view  of  Ormond  Castle,  and  on  through  the 
centre  of  the  city,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be  deserted.  I 
met  but  one  or  two  persons,  until  I  reached  my  father's 
residence.  I  found  my  father,  recovered  from  his  illness, 
had  retired  for  the  night.  My  mother  and  two  sisters 
were  sitting  together  when  I  was  admitted.  They  did 
not  know  me,  nor  I  them.  Five  years  had  elapsed  since 
I  left  them,  and  the  changes  that  had  taken  place  in  that 
short  time  baffied  us.  I  did  not  at  once  make  myself 
known,  but  said  I  was  a  friend  of  Joe's  (myself),  and 
called,  according  to  promise,  to  see  them.  While  telling 
them  how  he  was,  etc.,  I  could  not  but  admire  their  affec- 
tionate interest.  Their  anxious  eyes  told  how  each  of 
them  felt.  When  I  declared  myself,  the  maternal  feelings 
gave  way,  in  the  joy  of  the  moment.  My  father  came 
down  stairs  half  dressed  to  add  to  the  already  strained 
emotions  of  the  group.  In  a  few  minutes  the  room  was 
filled  with  our  neighbors,  who  flocked  in  to  greet  and  wel- 
come me,  amongst  them  a  dear  friend  and  classmate, 
John  Kavanagh.  After  a  time,  when  greetings  had  been 
exchanged,  questions  asked  and  answered,  and  all  had 
become  calm  and  cool,  John  and  I  started  oat  to  take  a 
stroll,  and  see  some  old  places  dear  to  both  of  us.  Even 
at  night  I  could  see  that  a  change  for  the  worse  had  come 
over  the  little  town.  The  woolen  mills  that  were  work- 
ing when  I  left  home  were  all  closed  up  and  deserted, 
gloom  and  sadness  prevailed  all  over;  no  improvements, 
everything  seemed  going  to  the  dogs  ! 

Within  a  day  or  two  I  called  on  John  Haltigan,  at  the 
"Journal"  Office,  who,  next  to  Dr.  Cane,  was  then  one  of 
the  most  popular  men  of  the  city,  and  was  foreman  in 
the  printing  department  of  that  paper.      After  making  ar- 


g  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE   OE  THE 

rangements  to  meet  him  that  evening  at  his  house,  where 
we  could  talk  with  more  privacy  and  without  interruption, 
I  left  him,  pleased  with  our  interview. 


JOHN  HALTIGAN 
Foreman  Printer  "Irish  People"  Newspaper. 

We  met  accordingly,  and  talked  matters  over.  He  was 
enraptured  with  the  prospects  ahead,  as  he  considered 
that  everything  was  going  from  bad  to  worse,  and  some- 
thing must  be  done  to  check  the  impending  destruction  of 
our  people.  We  got  together  all  the  intelligent  young 
men  that  we  knew,  and  in  a  few  weeks  had  all  we  desired 
for  the  present. 

Haltigan^  at  this  time  was  in  good  circumstances,  and 
had  a  nice  little  farm  on  the  borders  of  the  town.  His 
wife,  like  himself,  was  a  good,  sincere  Nationalist,  whose 
counsel  infused  prudence  and  courage  into  many.  He 
had  two  fine  greyhounds,  and  we  went  hunting  every 
Sunday  to  the  Tullaburn  Mountains,  where  he  knew  a 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  9 

great  many  men  of  the  right  stamp,  all  of  whom  he 
initiated  into  our  movement,     (i) 

There  was  another  fertile  spot  m  the  southern  part  of 
the  county  where  friend  Haltigan  was  well  known^  the  old 
town  of  Cailan,  almost  under  the  shadow  of  Slievenamon. 
We  arranged  to  pay  a  visit  to  this  burg  on  the  following 
Sunday.  On  our  arrival  we  were  met  at  the  Bridge  by 
Edward  Coyne  and  James  Cody.  Coyne  was  the  most 
popular  young  man  in  the  town,  and  Cody,  who  was  a 
draper,  had  many  friends  in  the  adjoining  section  and  in 
the  County  Tipperary.  Both  were  genial,  hearty  men. 
After  hearing  our  message,  both  rejoiced  at  having  some- 
thing to  do  to  which  they  could  give  their  hearts  and  all 
their  energies  to  work  out.  The  conversation  of  the  after- 
noon showed  they  were  well  aware  of  the  state  of  the 
country — business  crushed,  industry  paralyzed,  not  a  ray 
of  hope  around.  Apathy,  and  the  continuous  flight  of  the 
best  bone  and  sinew  of  our  race  to  the  Emigrant  Ship 
were  becoming  a  settled  conclusion  in  all  minds.  No 
effort  was  being  made  to  avert  the  impending  desolation 
that  must  follow.  The  poorhouse  was  the  only  last  refuge 
in  sight  for  those  who  couldn^t  get  away.  The  excessive 
taxes  extorted  from  the  poor  farmers  and  other  taxpayers 
reduced  them  to  a  condition  that  left  them  no  choice  be- 
tween becoming  inmates  of  those  institutions  or  the  Emi- 
grant Ship.  Such  were  the  logical  deductions  made 
from  the  policy  that  prevailed  all  over  Ireland. 

(1)  John  Haltigan  was  afterward  made  foreman  of  the  Irish 
People  newspaper,  the  official  organ  in  Dublin  of  the  Irish 
Revolutionary  Brotherhood.  On  its  seizure  and  suppression  he 
was  arrested  and  sentenced  to  seven  years'  penal  servitude, 
after  serving-  four  of  which  in  Pentonville  and  Portland  prisons, 
England,  he  was  pardoned,  completely  broken  down  in  health. 
He  came  to  New  York  in  1873  and  acted  as  foreman  printer 
for  his  son,  James,  who  was  then  editor  and  publisher  of  the 
Sunday  Citizen,  and  who  afterward  founded  the  Celtic 
Monthly.  He  returned  to  Ireland  in  1877  and  died  in  the  City 
of  Cork  in  1884.  He  was  taken  to  his  native  city  for  interment, 
his  funeral  being  attended  by  thousands  of  his  fellow-country- 
men. A  beautiful  Celtic  cross,  erected  to  his  memory  by  his 
fellow  citizens,  marks  his  grave  in  St.  Patrick's  churchyard, 
Kilkenny.  Patrick  J.  Haltigan,  editor  and  publisher  of  the 
National  Hibernian,  Washington,  D.  C,  is  his  youngest  son. 


10  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OE  THE 

We  were  delighted  in  finding  two  men  who  so  thor- 
oughly understood  the  situation,  and  were  ready  to  stake 
their  lives  to  do  away  with  such  a  state  of  things.  Peti- 
tions and  remonstrances  had  been  scoffed  at  and  thrown 
aside.  It  was  time  we  should  work  with  a  will,  with  all 
our  might,  night  and  day,  and  unite  the  manhood  of  our 
race  for  one  grand  struggle,  and  be  done  with  it.  Senti- 
ments like  these  took  possession  of  us  and  filled  us  with 
hope,  as  we  wended  our  way  back  to  the  city,  confident 
that  Callan  was  in  good  hands. 

We  did  not  meet  the  poet,  John  Locke,  on  this  trip, 
nor  Heffernan  Dunne,  the  nailor,  but  were  glad  to  hear 
afterwards  that  both  were  afield  in  the  good  work.  Later 
on  those  men  distinguished  themselves.  Heffernan 
Dunne,  in  pure  derision  of  parliamentary  agitation,  ran 
for  Member  of  Parliament,  while  Locke  won  world-wide 
fame  as  a  National  poet. 

Our  next  move  was  to  get  into  communication  with  the 
men  in  Dublin,  of  whom  Haltigan  knew  the  address  of 
but  one,  a  Mr.  Farrell,  a  master  chimney-sweep.  We  ar- 
ranged that  I  should  go  next  day  and  find  them. 

I  started  accordingly  for  Dublin,  and  in  due  time  found 
Mr.  Farrell's  place.  He  was  not  in,  however,  but  his 
wife  expected  him  to  dinner  every  minute.  She  made 
me  await  his  coming. 

He  came  punctually  at  the  noon  hour,  just  from  his 
work,  as  black  and  sooty  as  a  man  could  well  be. 

I  told  him  my  errand,  which  was  to  procure  through 
him  an  introduction  to  the  leading  Nationalists  of  Dublin. 
"As  soon  as  I  eat  a  morsel,"  he  said,  "and  change  my 
clothes  I  will  go  with  you."  After  his  meal  he  was  going 
to  dress  himself,  but  I  objected,  as  he  was  going  back  to 
work  again.  I  told  him  his  garb  made  no  difference  to 
me  if  it  didn't  to  himself.  He  laughed  and  we  left  his 
place. 

After  a  short  walk  we  arrived  in  Lombard  street,  and 
stopped  at  a  lumber  yard,  w^ell  stocked  with  articles  of 
manufacture  for  building  purposes.  I  was  introduced 
to  a  sunny-faced,  good-looking  man,  the  proprietor,  Mr. 
Peter  Langan.  I  handed  him  a  note  from  Mr.  Haltigan. 
Mr.  Farrell  took  his  departure  and  left  us  together. 


TRTSH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  ii 

After  he  had  read  the  note  of  introduction,  I  told  him 
my  business  and  all  the  particulars  relating  to  it.  He  was 
surprised,  but  rejoiced,  and  said  if  I  would  remain  that 
evening  in  Dublin,  he  would  send  for  a  few  friends,  who 
would  be  glad  to  meet  me.      I  agreed  to  do  so. 

At  eight  that  evening  I  attended  a  meeting  of  National- 
ists and  tried  friends  of  Ireland,  who  had  been  called  to- 
gether by  Peter  Langan  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  what 
I  had  to  communicate.  They  were  surprised  and  pleased 
to  learn  how  far  the  movement  had  advanced  in  America, 
and  readily  promised  to  assist  and  co-operate  with  the 
American  organization. 

At  that  meeting  I  first  met  Garrett  O'Shaugh- 
nessy  (2),  whom  I  shall  have  occasion  to  mention 
again  as  I  go  along.  He  died  about  ten  years  ago.  I 
also  met  Philip  Grey  there  for  the  first  time.  He  was 
one  of  the  tried  and  trusted  men  of  '48  and  a  confidant 
of  Smith  O'Brien.  He  was  a  bookkeeper  by  profession 
and  held  a  good  position  at  Smithfield.  He  died  about 
six  months  after.  Peace  be  to  him ;  he  left  no  honester 
nor  better  man  behind  him. 

Both  joined  the  organization,  as  did  also  Peter  Lan- 
gan. (3)  Thomas  Clarke  Luby  was  present,  and  thought 
it  strange  that  he  had  not  even  heard  of  the  existence  of 
the  Association. 

I  told  him  he  was  not  more  surprised  than  I  was  when 
told  they  had  no  organization  in  Ireland,  but  nevertheless 


(2)  Garrett  O'Shaughnessy  was  one  of  the  most  faithful  men 
the  organization  produced.  He  escaped  arrest  and  came  to 
New  York  only  after  all  hope  had  fled.  He  was  engaged  in  the 
iron  manufacturing  business  in  Dublin  and  his  purse  was  ever 
open  when  funds  were  required. 

(3)  Thomas  Clarke  Luby  belonged  to  a  noted  literary  family 
in  Dublin.  He  was  educated  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  in 
which  his  uncle  was  one  of  the  chief  professors.  He  became  a 
leader  in  the  movement  and  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Irish 
People.  He  was  arrested  and  sentenced  to  twenty  years'  im- 
prisonment. He  was  exiled  to  this  country  in  1871,  where  he 
continued  to  live  until  his  death  in  1902.  He  was  married  to 
the  daughter  of  the  Irish  poet  Frazer.  One  of  his  sons,  Mr. 
James  Luby,  of  Jersey  City,  is  an  able  newspaper  man,  and 
another  is  an  officer  in  the  United  States  Navy. 


12  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

what  I  stated  was  true.  He  did  not  join  then,  but  Gray 
told  me  not  to  mind — he  was  all  right. 

After  arranging  matters  with  them  and  establishing  a 
mode  of  communication,  I  returned  to  Kilkenny.  Halti- 
gan  was  well  pleased  with  the  results  of  my  trip,  and  next 
arranged  a  meeting  between  Dr.  Cane  and  myself.  I 
shall  never  forget  the  warm,  unostentatious  way  he  re- 
ceived me.  He  impressed  me  with  the  idea  that  he  was 
a  most  perfect  model  of  a  man,  physically  and  mentally, 
the  truest  type  of  the  Irish  gentleman  I  had  yet  met.  I 
knew  his  career  as  Mayor  of  Kilkenny,  as  a  citizen,  orator, 
lecturer  and  patriot.  He  opened  the  conversation,  by 
saying  my  friend  Haltigan  told  him  I  had  just  returned 
from  New  York,  and  that  I  had  some  good  news  from 
there.  I  told  him  all  I  knew,  at  which  he  was  well 
pleased.  He  gave  us  every  encouragement,  and  said  he 
would  help  us  in  his  own  way.  At  this  time  his  friend, 
Charles  Gavan  Duffy,  was  about  leaving  Ireland  for  Aus- 
tralia. Haltigan  told  me  afterwards  that  Duffy  had  post- 
poned his  departure  for  some  time,  in  consequence  of 
Dr.  Cane  writing  to  him. 

The  only  way  we  had  of  getting  news  from  our  friends 
m  America  was  through  ''The  Citizen"  (once  belonging 
to  John  Mitchell,  who  sold  it  to  McClernan  (i) 
his  manager).  I  received  it  every  week.  A.bout 
the  time  we  expected  to  hear  something  of  our 
friends  an  article  appeared  on  the  editorial  page 
signed  "From  One  Who  Would  Go."  This 
article  called  on  all  Irishmen  in  the  United  States 
not  to  contribute  to  or  buy  any  scrip  from  any  self-consti- 
tuted body  acting  in  the  name  of  Ireland  until  there  would 
be  a  responsible  committee  appointed  to  receive  it,  etc.,  etc. 

This  evidently  referred  to  the  issue  of  bonds  which  were 
being  prepared  when  I  was  leaving  New  York,  therefore 
Haltigan  and  I  concluded  that  all  was  up  for  the  present. 

(1)  The  Citizen  was  started  in  New  York  by  John  Mitchell 
and  Thomas  Francis  Meagher  on  Jan.  7,  1854,  after  their  escape 
from  the  convict  settlements  of  Australia.  Owing  to  ill  health 
Mitchell  retired  on  Dec.  31  of  the  same  year,  and  thereafter 
the  paper  was  continued  by  his  business  manager,  James  Mc- 
Clernan. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  13 

We  waited  until  the  appointed  time,  September.  It  came, 
but  brought  no  sign  of  the  intended  invasion.  We  still 
hoped  on,  but  alas,  our  first  impressions  were  right. 


14  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  II. 

About  this  time  I  was  getting  very  short  finan- 
cially. All  the  little  money  I  had  was  gone,  and 
I  must  get  back  to  America.  I  wrote  to  a  friend  in  New 
York,  Michael  Fitzpatrick,  to  send  me  enough  money  to 
take  me  back.  I  received  it  in  due  course.  This  man 
did  not  belong  to  the  movement. 

In  the  m.eantime  I  was  looking  out  for  something  to  do, 
and  had  a  letter  from  an  old  friend  in  Dublin,  asking  me 
to  come  up,  as  he  thought  he  had  something  that  would 
suit  me. 

I  took  a  position  that  was  offered  in  the  North,  and 
stayed  there  until  '57.  I  was  all  this  time  in  communica- 
tion with  my  Dublin  friends,  and  with  Haltigan,  but  finally 
got  tired  of  waiting,  and  becoming  anxious  to  get  back  to 
New  York  went  to  Dublin  for  that  purpose.  I  found  a 
letter  from  John  Haltigan  awaiting  me  at  Langan's,  which 
informed  me  that  James  Stephens  had  arrived  in  Kil- 
kenny, and  being  told  of  my  mission  was  anxious  to 
see  me.  He  was  coming  to  Dublin,  and  hoped  I  could 
wait  his  arrival.  I  wrote  him  saying  I  would  wait  to 
meet  him,  although  I  had  all  my  arrangements  made  to 
start  for  America. 

He  arrived  next  day,  and  I  saw  him  at  Langan's,  where 
all  were  glad  to  meet  him.  He  was  fully  informed  of  every- 
thing up  to  date  in  relation  to  Irish  affairs,  both  in  Ire- 
land and  America.  When  he  saw  I  was  determined  to 
leave  for  America  he  plied  me  with  questions,  and  said  I 
ought  not  to  go  back  if  I  could  get  a  living  in  Ireland.  If 
I  would  stay,  he  promised  he  would  stay,  and  wait  events. 
He  had  spent  all  his  time  in  Paris  since  '48,  and  came 
over  to  Killarney  to  finish  some  work  he  had  in  hand.  He 
Vv^as  to  see  John  B.  Dillon  next  dav,  about  starting  in  as  a 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  15 

French  tutor.  (2)  He  saw  him,  and  the  project  was 
favorably  received,  Dillon's  two  sons  becoming-  his 
first  pupils,  and  through  these  he  secured  more  pupils, 
which  placed  him  in  a  position  of  comparative  inde- 
pendence. I  went  back  to  the  County  Antrim  as  agreed 
upon  to  await  events. 

We  corresponded  regularly.  I  was  now  in  a  new 
country,  yet  only  one  day's  ride  from  Dublin.  Every- 
thing was  different,  accent,  feeling,  customs,  so  far  as  the 
people  were  concerned,  but  it  was  Ireland,  nevertheless.  I 
lived  there  with  my  Orange  brothers,  amongst  whom  I 
mixed  considerably,  until  two  days  before  Christmas  of 
'57,  when  I  received  a  letter  from  Stephens,  requesting  me 
to  come  immediately  to  Dublin,  and  if  possible  to  break 
with  my  employer,  as  he  had  something  that  would  suit 
me.  This  letter  was  a  business  one,  well  conceived  as 
from  a  friend  who  wished  to  forward  my  interests. 

After  Mr.  Dunne  (my  employer)  read  my  letter  he  re- 
leased me  from  my  engagement  in  a  truly  friendly  spirit, 
and  so  I  hastened  to  meet  Stephens. 

I  arrived  in  Dublin  next  day,  and  went  direct  to  my 
old  friends  in  Trinity  street,  where  I  always  stopped  while 
in  the  city.  As  I  was  crossing-  College  Green,  to  my  sur- 
prise I  met  Stephens  coming  the  other  way ;  he  had  called 
to  see  if  I  had  arrived.  He  looked  on  this  meeting  as  a 
lucky  omen,  as  neither  of  us  ever  took  such  a  course 
before. 

I  promised  to  come  to  Langan's  as  soon  as  I  could  after 
seeing  my  friends  in  Trinity  street.  These  were  people 
whom  I  had  known  in  New  York,  and  who  had  returned 
to  spend  the  remaining  days  of  their  life  in  their  native 
city.  I  was  always  welcome  and  made  happy  while  with 
them.  They  knew  nothing  about  my  business,  although 
both  were  superior  in  Irish  feelings  to  the  majority  of  the 
people.  For  many  reasons  I  did  not  wish  them  to  be  aware 
of  my  proceedings — my  chief  reason  being,  if  anything 
should  happen  to  me,  they  should  not  suffer  any  inconven- 

(2)  John  B.  Dillon  was  one  of  the  '48  leaders.  With  Gavan 
Duffy  and  Thomas  Davis  he  founded  the  Dublin  Nation.  One 
of  the  sons,  who  became  pupils  of  Stephens,  was  John  B.  Dillon, 
the  present  Irish  leader. 


i6 


A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


JAMES  STEPHENS 
Chief  Organizer  Irish  Revolutionary  Brotherhood 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  17 

ience.  They  were  true  friends,  and  could  be  trusted,  as 
shall  be  seen.  Stephens  and  friends  were  awaiting  me  at 
Langan's  when  I  arrived.  He  read  a  communication  he 
had  received  from  Col.  Doheny  and  John  O'Mahony,  ask- 
ing if  he  thought  Ireland  could  be  organized  for  revolu- 
tion, would  he  undertake  to  do  it,  and,  if  so,  about  how 
much  money  would  he  require. 

It  was  to  take  an  answer  to  this,  to  the  parties  in  New 
York  who  sent  it  that  I  was  required.  It  was  considered 
too  great  a  risk  to  entrust  it  to  the  mails. 

Stephens  read  his  reply  to  us.  It  stated  that  Ireland 
was  never  in  a  better  condition  for  such  a  project;,  that  he 
would  undertake  to  organize  the  country,  the  amount  re- 
quired being  only  one  hundred  pounds  sterling  a  month 
for  three  months.  I  was  instructed  to  leave  next  day, 
and  carry  this  reply  to  Col.  Doheny,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee;  John  O'Mahony,  Pat  O'Rourke,  Capt.  Cor- 
coran, Oliver  Byrne,  James  Roache  and  John  Reynolds, 
were  the  other  members  of  the  Committee. 

We  had  no  funds,  in  fact,  we  never  had  any,  so  when 
an  emergency  like  this  occurred  it  fell  on  one  or  two.  I 
had  some  money  myself,  and  Garret  O'Shaughnessy  made 
up  the  balance  so  that  I  was  enabled  to  pay  my  way 
to  the  United  States. 

I  at  once  made  hurried  arrangements  and  started  for 
Liverpool,  where  I  engaged  a  second  cabin  on  the  old 
Asia,  Captain  Lott,  and  sailed  for  America. 

We  started  from  Liverpool  in  fine  weather  and  in  good 
spirits,  but,  inside  of  forty-eight  hours  experienced  a 
sudden  and  complete  change  in  the  weather  conditions. 
A  terrific  storm  sprung  up  that  severely  tested  the  sea- 
worthiness of  the  "Asia"  and  the  seamanship  of  its  cap- 
tain and  crew.  The  storm  lasted  for  a  week,  and  its  ef- 
fects followed  us  all  the  way  across,  rendering  the  trip 
the  most  tempestuous  and  dangerous  ever  experienced 
by  Captain  Lott,  who  was  a  veteran  seaman. 

We  were  obliged  to  put  into  Halifax  for  repairs,  where 
I  left  the  ship  and  took  passage  on  a  coasting  steamer  for 
Boston,  whence  I  took  a  train  for  New  York,  and  ar- 
rived in  due  time. 

Our  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  had  been   slow  and 


i8  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

tedious,  and  naturally  I  was  anxious  that  the  letters  I 
carried  should  be  delivered  as  promptly  as  possible,  there- 
fore, on  my  arrival  in  New  York,  I  went  direct  from  the 
depot  to  the  law  office  of  Col.  Doheny.  To  my  great 
disappointment,  I  learned  he  was  not  in,  and  /his  son 
Michael  professed  not  to  know  where  he  was. 

My  appearance  or  makeup  was  not  very  preposessing, 
and  perhaps  he  thought  I  was  one  of  those  unfortunates 
who  often  imposed  on  the  good-natured  man.  I  told  him 
the  business  I  had  with  his  father  was  very  important,  and 
he  should  be  made  aware  of  it  as  soon  as  possible — it  was 
strictly  personal.  ''Well,"  said  he,  "you  may  find  him  at 
the  Tombs." 

I  thanked  him  and  went  where  directed.  I  found  the 
Colonel  holding  forth  in  a  case  before  the  Court.  He 
won  the  case  and  there  was  a  great  rush  for  the  street. 
The  Colonel  got  out  before  I  could,  and  as  he  was  a  good 
walker,  I  had  to  run  to  catch  up.  When  I  came  up  to 
him,  he  stopped,  shook  hands,  and  I  handed  him  my 
paper.  He  tore  it  open  and  read  a  few  lines ;  the  tears 
came  to  his  eyes ;  he  folded  up  the  letter  and  we  hastened 
on  to  his  office. 

He  dispatched  Michael  to  the  Tribune  office  for  Pat 
O'Rourke  (i),  and  then  for  the  other  members  of  the 
Committee.  That  evening  we  had  all  of  them  together. 
While  waiting  their  coming,  I  inquired  how  John 
O'Mahony  was.  He  said  he  had  not  seen  him  since  the 
letter  was  sent,  to  which  my  communication  was  an 
answer,  but  he  had  heard  he  was  organizing  a  colony 
to  go  West.  Pat  O'Rourke  and  Capt.  Corcoran  ar- 
rived, and   the  others   soon  after,  and  although  their 

(1)  Patrick  O'Rourke  was  employed  in  the  mechanical  depart- 
ment of  the  New  York  Tribune  from  the  time  of  the  inception 
of  the  paper.  When  Horace  Greeley  ran  short  of  funds  he 
turned  the  property  into  a  joint  stock  company.  At  one  period 
being  unable  to  pay  his  employees  he  offered  them  shares  of 
stock  in  place  of  cash,  which  were  spurned  as  worthless  by  all 
except  Thomas  Rooker,  the  foreman  printer,  and  Patrick 
O'Rourke.  They  accepted  the  stock  and  afterward  realized 
over  $2,000  per  annum  from  each  share.  Mr.  O'Rourke  later 
occupied  the  position  of  superintendent  of  the  Tribune  Build- 
ing-, which  he  held  up  to  the  time  of  his  death. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  19 


% 

^.,    '^.^\^X   ' 

^-^ 

"^^^^fc^^Kl?  > 

^^^m 

^^^Kii ' ''  'l^m 

^^^^^K- 

^^^^^^^:K:^" 

^^^viijH 

^^^^S^ 

^^ 

i 

PATRICK  O'ROURKE,  Treasurer,  F,  B. 


20  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

residences  were  scattered  all  over  the  city,  all  were 
present. 

The  letter  which  I  had  delivered  was  read  and  consid- 
ered satisfactory,  gratifying,  in  fact,  to  all.  To  raise 
the  first  instalment  was  the  question  of  the  hour.  Sev- 
eral propositions  were  made,  but  none  of  them  seemed 
practical,  until  Capt.  Corcoran,  the  youngest  man  amongst 
them,  proposed  that  each  should  lay  on  the  table  what 
money  he  could  conveniently  spare,  and  also  say  how 
much  he  could  collect  or  otherwise  raise  among  his 
friends  by  that  day  week.  This  was  unanimously  ap- 
proved. A  list  was  made  out  for  the  purpose,  the 
amounts  they  expected  to  have  at  the  appointed  time  were 
placed  opposite  to  the  names,  and  the  meeting  adjourned. 

Capt.  Corcoran  (2)  took  me  to  his  home,  where  I 
stopped  until  I  was  ready  to  return  to  Ireland.  We 
went  around  together  each  day  among  his  friends  and 
acquaintances,  endeavoring  to  collect  his  part  of  the 
sum.  At  that  time  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  raise 
any  money  for  such  a  purpose,  as  the  people  had  lost 
all  confidence  in  such  movements,  and  in  the  good  faith 
of  the  leaders.  Some  of  the  Irish-American  newspapers 
took  a  special  interest  in  decrying  any  active  movement 
for  Ireland.  They  were,  for  various  reasons,  pandering 
to  the  local  politicians,  and  consequently,  were  not  with 
us.  The  "Irish  American,"  then  the  leading  and  most  in- 
fluential Irish  paper  in  America  was,  I  remember,  one  of 
them. 


(2)  Michael  Corcoran  was  an  employee  in  the  New  York  Cus- 
tom House  and  at  first  a  Captain  in  the  Sixty-ninth  Regiment 
of  the  New  York  National  Guard.  When  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
now  Edward  VII.,  visited  America  in  1860-61,  the  Sixty-ninth 
Regiment  was  ordered  to  parade  in  his  honor.  Corcoran,  who 
was  then  Colonel,  peremptorily  refused  to  obey  the  order.  Col. 
Corcoran  was  put  under  arrest  and  was  threatened  with  trial 
by  court  martial.  A  great  outcry  was  made  by  the  Anglo- 
Americans  of  that  time,  but  the  Civil  War  breaking  out  just 
then,  Corcoran  silenced  them  all  by  tendering  his  sword  to  the 
President,  while  his  regiment  volunteered  to  a  man  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States.  Corcoran  was  afterward  promoted 
to  be  Brigadier  General  for  bravery  in  the  field  and  devotion 
to  the  Union.  He  was  an  ardent  Irish  patinot.  He  was  killed 
by  a  fall  from  his  horse  before  the  close  of  the  war, 


IRISH   REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD. 


CAPTAIN  MICHAEL  CORCORAN,  69th  Regt. 
(Afterwards  Brigadier  General) 


22  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

It  took  two  months  to  raise  four  hundred  dollars 
(  £80.)  I  was  anxious  to  get  back,  and  proposed  to  the 
Committee  that  I  would  start  with  that  amount,  and  they 
could  send  the  balance  of  instalment  later,  which  they 
agreed  to.     (3). 

A  circumstance  occurred  at  this  time  which  is  well 
worth  mentioning  here :  While  on  the  collecting  tour 
O'Mahony  saw  some  of  the  leading  men  of  the  Ancient 
Order  of  Hibernians,  and  solicited  their  co-operation. 
They  advised  him  to  have  some  of  us  join  their  organi- 
zation, and  then  we  could  bring  up  the  matter  regularly 
for  their  consideration.  O'Mahony,  Corcoran,  Roche 
and  myself  joined  the  Order,  and  were  initiated.  Before 
leaving  I  got  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  to  their  head  man 
in  Liverpool,  introducing  myself  and  explaining  the  ob- 
ject of  my  visit. 

I  left  New  York  by  steamer  early  in  March,  1858.  On 
the  way  over  I  fell  in  with  two  Irishmen,  who  occupied 
berths  adjoining  mine.  One  was  about  my  own  age 
and  the  other  about  45  years  old.  They  both  be- 
longed to  the  County  Sligo.  Tom,  the  youngest,  and  I 
became  great  friends,  and  I  soon  induced  him  to  join  the 
organization.  He  told  me  if  I  could  get  Barney,  his 
elder  companion,  to  join,  he  could  set  the  whole  county 
at  work.  Barney  was  very  reserved  all  the  way  across, 
and  in  no  way  conversational  until  the  day  before  landing. 
There  were  a  good  many  young  Englishmen  returning 
from  the  United  States,  and  in  the  washroom  that  morn- 
ing some  of  them  let  loose  the  vials  of  their  wrath  on 
the  States. 

I  resented  their  remarks.  I  said  it  was  cowardly,  now 
that  they  got  on  their  own  dunghill,  to  crow  so  vocifer- 
ously, and  villify  a  generous  young  nation  that  had  bene- 
fited them.  We  had  quite  a  hot  time  of  it.  Neither 
Barney  or  Tom  took  any  part  in  the  controversy,  but  I 
was  aware  they  stood  ready  to  help  if  there  was  any 
trouble. 

(3)  It  was  hard  to  collect  money  for  Ireland  then.  The 
Crimean  War  was  over,  the  Emmet  Monument  Association  had 
suspended  and  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  was  not  yet  estab- 
lished.    Hope  for  Ireland  was  at  a  very  low  ebb. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         23 

When  we  got  back  to  our  quarters,  Barney  asked  me 
if  I  had  any  particular  place  to  put  up  at  Liverpool.  I 
told  him  I  hadn't,  as  I  knew  no  one  in  the  place. 

"Then,"  said  he,  ''come  with  Tom  and  me." 

"All  right,"  said  I,  appreciating  this  sudden  change  to 
sociability. 

So  we  wended  our  way  to  Regent -street.  Barney  led 
us  into  a  little  hotel,  or  tavern  it  might  be,  and  up  straight 
to  the  bar.  The  man  in  charge  and  Barney  were  great 
friends.  He  was  a  fine  specimen  of  an  athletic  Irishman, 
smart  and  intelligent.  We  were  introduced,  and  Barney 
ordered  the  best  beefsteak  to  be  had  in  Liverpool. 

After  enjoying  our  meal,  I  told  Barney  I  wanted  to 
transact  a  little  business,  which  would  not  take  me  long, 
and  that  I  would  return  and  spend  the  afternoon  with 
him. 

'T  thought,"  said  he,  ''you  knew  no  one  in  Liverpool." 

"Neither  do  I,"  I  said,  "it  is  only  a  message  I  have  to 
deliver  for  a  friend." 

After  leaving  him  I  made  certain  that  there  was  no  one 
following  me,  and  soon  arrived  at  the  place  where  I  was 
to  present  my  note  of  introduction.  It  was  a  sailors'  out- 
fitting store,  close  by  the  shipping.  My  man  had  not 
come  down  yet,  the  young  man  who  was  keeping  shop 
told  me,  but  if  it  was  on  business  I  wished  to  see  him^  he 
could  attend  to  me  just  as  well. 

"My  business  is  of  a  personal  and  confidential  nature," 
I  said,  "and  if  it  does  not  inconvenience  you  I  prefer  to 
wait  till  he  comes." 

It  was  a  small  shop  with  a  narrow  stairs  leading  up- 
wards. I  had  not  long  to  wait.  Soon  I  heard  a  very 
heavy  step  on  the  stairs,  and  an  old,  heavy,  cumbersome 
man,  not  quite  awake,  made  his  appearance. 

"This  is  Mr.  Mullen,"  said  the  young  man. 

I  handed  my  letter  of  introduction  to  him ;  he  handed  it 
to  the  young  man  and  told  him  to  read  it.  I  told  him 
it  was  private,  and  important,  and  intended  only  for  his 
own  perusal. 

"Oh,"  he  said,  "never  mind ;  he  does  all  my  reading  and 
writing." 


^4  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

The  young  man  read  the  letter  slowly  to  himself.  The 
old  man  did  not  hear  a  word  of  its  contents. 

*'Well,"  said  the  young  man,  when  he  got  through 
reading,  "that's  all  ephemeral." 

I  reached  out  my  hand,  for  I  wanted  the  letter  back; 
he  gave  it  to  me.  I  was  glad  he  did.  I  tore  it  up  and 
threw  it  into  the  fire.  ''Good  morning,  gentlemen,"  said 
I,  and  left  them  gazing  after  me. 

When  I  got  back  to  Barney  he  asked  where  I  had  been. 
"I  know,^'  said  the  young  fellow  behind  the  bar. 

'Tf  you  know,  why  do  you  ask  me?"  said  I. 

''You  were  to  see  Mullen,"  said  he. 

"Right  you  are,"  said  I. 

"Well,  you  were  sent  to  the  wrong  party.  If  you  stay 
to-night  I  will  bring  you  to  see  the  right  ones — the  true 
ones." 

"I  cannot  stay  over  night,"  I  answered.  "I  must  be 
in  Dublin  to-morrow.  But  if  vou  give  me  a  token,  I 
will  send  some  one,  if  I  don't  come  myself,  whom  you 
can  oblige."      This  was  the  last  I  saw  of  them. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD. 


CHAPTER  III. 

I  arrived  in  Dublin  next  morning,  Patrick's  Day.  I 
found  James  Stephens  in  his  lodgings,  and  delivered  the 
money  and  a  letter  from  the  Committee.  That  evening, 
March  17,  1858,  the  Irish  Revolutionary  Brotherhood 
v^as  brought  into  existence.  An  obligation  w^as 
adopted,  and  each  in  turn  bound  himself  by  it — 
Stephens  first;  Luby  v^as  second,  v^ho  declared  himself 
now  ready  to  devote  his  best  efforts  to  its  fulfillment. 
All  the  others,  Langan,  Garret  O'Shaughnessy  and 
myself,  each  took  the  obligation.  We  v^ere  all  su- 
premely joyous  and  anxious  for  the  w^ork.  (i)  The 
form  of  oath  or  text  which  was  administered  and 
which  Luby  drafted,  was  as  follows : 

I,  A.  B.,  in  the  presence  of  the  Almighty  God,  do 
solemnly   swear   allegiance   to   the   Irish   Republic, 
now  virtually  established,  and  that   I   will   do  my 
very  utmost,  at  every  risk,  while  life  lasts,  to  de- 
fend  its   independence   and   integrity ;   and,   finally, 
that  I  will  yield  implicit  obedience  in  all  things,  not 
contrary  to  the  laws  of  God,  to  the  commands  of  my 
superior  officers.     So  help  me  God.     Amen. 
Some  slight  variations  of  this  oath  were  made  later 
on,  but  the  above  is,  substantially,  the  form  generally 
used  in  Ireland.     The  oath  administered  in  America 
differed  somewhat  in   form,  but  was  identical  in  spiritf 
Stephens  and  Luby  started  South  next  day,  stopping  at 
different  points  where  they  were  known,   and  likely  to 
meet  with  adherents  to  the  cause.      In  Kilkenny,  Haltigan 


(1)  The  Irish  Revolutionary  Brotherhood  was  established  on 
a   military  basis,   with    the   first  four   letters   of   the   alphabet 
used  instead  of  the  ordinary  titles.     A    standing  for  Colonel, 
B    for  Captain,  C    for  Sergeant,  and  D.  for  private. 
*  See  Appendix  XX,  Page  199. 


26  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

was  set  to  work.  In  Tipperary  they  were  well  received. 
In  Templederry  Father  Kenyon  (2),  then  a  great  friend 
of  Lnby's,  had  them  to  spend  a  few  days  with  him.  In 
Cork  they  found  some  fine  material.  While  there, 
however,  the  funds  gave  out. 

There  was  in  the  South  a  secret  society  which  had 
been  organized  in  Skibbereen  in  1856  by  a  number  of 
patriotic  men  who  saw  no  hope  for  Ireland,  save  what 
could  be  won  by  force,  and  who  had  organized  under  the 
name  of  the  Phoenix  National  and  Literary  Society.  The 
word  Phoenix  was  intended  to  signify  that  the  spirit  of 
Irish  Nationality  had  arisen  again  from  the  ashes  of  op- 
pression. 

The  majority  of  these  men,  the  best  in  the  country,  be- 
came later  on  identified  with  the  I.  R.  B.  and  were  its 
mainstay  and  backbone  in  various  places. 

James  Stephens,  on  his  visit  to  Skibbereen,  brought  a 
letter  of  introduction  from  James  O'Mahoney,  of  Ban- 
don,  to  Dan  McCartie  (Donel  Oge)-,  whom  he  initiated 
into  our  Society.  Donal  Oge,  I  was  told,  initiated 
O'Donovan  Rossa,  who  in  turn  initiated  Pat  Downing 
and  Morty  Moynahan,  who  in  turn  initiated  others  and 
in  that  way  the  organization  spread. 

In  three  or  four  months  the  southern  half  of  the  County 
of  Cork  was  organized,  Pat  Downing,  Morty  Moynahan 
and  O'Donovan  Rossa  becoming  Centres  of  circles.  The 
same  spirit  of  enthusiasm  spread  to  other  counties  and 
very  soon  the  men  of  Munster  were  out  nights  on  the 
hillsides  and  on  lonely  roads  drilling. 

During  all  this  time  no  word  had  been  received  from 
America  regarding  the  balance  of  the  instalment.  After 
vainly  waiting  some  time,  Stephens  and  Luby  were 
obliged  to  return  to  Dublin,  stranded. 

Langan's  was  a  great  place  for  meeting — that  and  Ste- 
phens' lodgings  being  the  only  places  then  in  Dublin.  In 
Kingstown  there  was  a  family  of  four  brothers,  the  Hick- 
eys;  John,  Patrick,  William  and  another.  They  were 
all  connected  with  the  building  trades,  a  host  in  them- 
selves.       John,    the  eldest,    was   a   thoroughly   practical 

(2)  A  patriot  priest  of  the  '48  movement. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         27 

man.  He  had  great  influence  and  a  wide  acquaintance 
among  that  class,  and  was  the  means  of  getting  in  the 
city  a  great  many  members  in  the  same  Hne.  The  Hick- 
eys  knew  none  but  the  best  people.  They  were  certainly 
among  the  most  sterling  men  in  the  Dublin  organization. 

At  this  time  Charles  Beggs  turned  up,  and  joined  our 
ranks.  He,  Considine  and  myself,  took  rooms  at  Mat 
Farrell's,  Creighton  street.  A  more  gentle,  kind  hearted 
man  than  Beggs  I  had  never  met.  He  was  an  enthusiast 
in  everything  pertaining  to  revolution  in  Ireland.  He  wrote 
'The  Military  Resources  of  Ireland,"  had  it  published  in 
pamphlet  form  at  his  own  expense,  but  found  no  market 
for  it  then,  so  the  books  remained  dead  stock  on  his  hands, 

Considine  was  the  courier  that  brought  the  letter  from 
Doheny  to  Stephens.  He  was  rather  conceited  and  ego- 
tistical and  clashed  with  the  honest  Beggs  on  nearly  every 
subject,  as  he  did  also  with  Garret  O'Shaughnessy,  who 
called  every  evening  to  lighten  our  monotony  and  brighten 
our  hopes  for  the  future.  We  needed  his  consolation,  as 
this  period  was  a  most  gloomy  one.  Everything  was  not 
only  at  a  standstill,  but  the  outlook  for  the  future  was 
dark  indeed.  There  had  been  no  news  from  America 
since  my  return,  and  it  looked  as  if  our  friends  there  had 
given  up  all  thought  of  us.  Stephens  was  after  returning. 
He  sent  Considine  home  to  his  father,  somewhere  in  Tip- 
perary.  This  state  of  inertia  was  demoralizing.  Stephens 
was  unable  to  keep  his  appointments,  and  all  engagements 
had  to  be  abandoned.  Each  day  came  and  passed  into 
yesterday,  but  still  no  tidings. 

At  last  Stephens  came  to  the  conclusion  that  I  must  go 
back  again  to  America,  but  where  was  the  money  to 
take  me  there?  We  were  all  penniless,  or  nearly  so. 
Again  Garrett  O'Shaughnessy  came  to  the  rescue.  He 
had  no  funds  of  his  own,  but  borrowed  from  his  brother 
seven  or  eight  pounds — I  forget  which,  but  it  was  about 
that  much.  I  started  again  for  America,  bearing  a  hot 
letter  to  the  committee. 

When  I  arrived  and  delivered  the  letter,  I  found  they 
were  just  after  sending  the  balance  of  the  first  instalment, 
one  hundred  dollars  (£20),  and  there  was  not  another 
cent  in  the  treasury.     Colonel  Doheny  took  me  to  his 


28  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

home  in  Brooklyn,  where  I  stopped  until  my  return  to 
Ireland.  O'Mahony  was  taken  up  with  his  Keating's  His- 
tory of  Ireland,  which  he  was  translating  into  English 
from  the  original  Gaelic  manuscript,  and  had  some  diffi- 
culty with  his  publisher. 

After  a  month,  occupied  in  foraging  around,  I  returned 
to  Ireland  with  only  forty  pounds,  which  disappointed  all 
our  friends.  I  told  Stephens  not  to  depend  on  America  for 
further  assistance.  "The  Irish-Americans,"  I  said,  "will 
not  subscribe  until  they  are  obliged  to.  They  have  been 
humbugged  so  often  they  have  lost  confidence,  and  at 
present  have  no  faith  in  attempts  for  the  regeneration  of 
"Ireland." 

Thomas  Davis  said  that  we  had  all  reason  to  hope  as 
long  as  the  Irish  people  were  not  materialists, — that  they 
would  always  keep  the  freedom  of  their  country  in  their 
leading  thoughts.  Unfortunately,  too  many  have  fallen 
away  from  Davis'  ideal,  and  societies  gotten  up  in  the  name 
of  Ireland  are  often  used  for  local  or  personal  politics. 
There  is  not  a  charitable  body,  club,  or  anything  in  that 
way,  that  is  not  turned  to  advantage  by  unprincipled  men. 
Until  these  hypocrites  are  set  aside,  and  the  eyes  of  the 
people  opened  to  the  duplicities  which  have  been  practiced 
upon  them,  there  can  be  no  help  for  Ireland  from  Amer- 
ica. 

On  my  arrival  in  Dublin,  Luby  was  sent  to  the  South, 
while  Stephens  and  I  went  on  to  Waterford.  At  that 
time  we  did  not  make  much  headway  in  the  city  of  Water- 
ford,  but  it  afterward  became  a  stronghold  of  National 
activity.  John  Dillon,  who  kept  an  extensive  wheelwright 
business,  became  one  of  the  leaders,  and  for  many  years 
was  the  "Centre"  of  the  city.  He  was  a  most  prudent  and 
conservative  man,  but,  at  the  same  time,  an  intense  Na- 
tionalist, and  carried  on  his  work  with  such  secrecy  and 
precision  that  the  Government  remained  completely  in 
the  dark  regarding  the  existence  of  the  organization  until 
toward  the  close  of  the  movement. 

Denis  B.  Cashman  was  another  of  the  leading  spirits 
in  Waterford.  He  was  chief  clerk  for  a  legal  firm  and  had 
a  wide  circle  of  friends,  among  whom  he  instilled  his  pa- 
triotic principles.    He  was  arrested  later  on  in  Dublin  and 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         29 

sentenced  to  fourteen  years'  imprisonment.  He  was  sent 
to  Australia,  but  was  pardoned  after  about  four  years.  He 
came  to  America,  settled  in  Boston  and  became  assistant 
editor  of  the  Pilot  under  John  Boyle  O'Reilly.  He  died  in 
Boston  in  1902.  W.  K.  Hearn,  Terence  Kent,  John  Kenny, 
John  Tobin  and  P.  J.  Donohue  were  also  prominent  lead- 
ers in  Waterford. 

After  seeing  some  friends  in  Waterford,  we  started  for 
Carrick-on-Suir  on  foot.  It  was  a  lovely  day  in  Summer. 
I  never  enjoyed  a  day's  trip  so  much.  At  this  time 
Stephens  was  at  the  highest  notch  in  my  estimation.  He 
was  grand.  I  would  undertake  anything  for  him.  He 
seemed  to  have  me  under  a  spell.  He  was  the  only  prac- 
tical man  I  had  met  in  the  Movement  up  to  that  time. 
There  was  earnestness  in  his  every  move.  He  was  ab- 
stemious, frugal — in  fact,  in  adversity  his  greatest  quali- 
ties were  shown  to  perfection.  He  was  all  that  could  be 
desired  as  a  leader.  If  he  had  continued  so,  and  lived  up 
to  the  doctrine  he  promulgated  and  practiced  his  own  pre- 
cepts, we  would  have  a  different  state  of  things  now.  But 
he  was  not  a  Wolfe  Tone. 

Strict  attention  to  duty,  perseverance,  privation,  toil — 
no  rest  until  the  object  was  reached  and  victory  achieved; 
these  were  a  few  of  the  discouragements  he  pointed  out 
to  all.  We  were  willing  to  bear  all  and  followed  him  to 
the  end. 

We  arrived  in  Carrick  that  evening  and  called  on  old 
man  Kavanagh,  where  we  stopped  that  night.  He  had  a 
fine  lot  of  young  fellows,  and  some  few  older  ones  to  meet 
Stephens,  who,  after  a  little  time,  made  them  joyful  with 
his  remarks.  He  sent  me  on  to  Denis  Dowling  Mulcahy, 
who  lived  in  Powerstown,  near  Clonmel,  to  ask  him  to 
meet  him  in  that  town  next  day.  I  spent  that  night  with 
Denis  and  his  family.  His  father  was  a  fine  type  of  an 
Irish  gentleman,  of  most  distinguished  and  patriarchial 
appearance.  His  mother  must  have  passed  away,  for  I 
saw  no  one  there  who  would  be  likely  to  fill  that  place. 
His  two  sisters  were  present.  One  of  them,  the  eldest, 
I  met  afterward,  under  changed  circumstances,  which 
shall  be  dealt  with  in  the  proper  place,  and  Denis  also 
shall  be  heard  from  again. 


30  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

After  spending  a  pleasant  day  in  Clonmel  I  was  sent  to 
Kilmallock  to  see  a  friend  and  arrange  a  meeting  for 
Stephens.  I  saw  my  man  and  arranged  for  the  meeting. 
Thence  I  went  to  Macroom  to  see  another.  Here  I  had  to 
wait  until  school  was  out,  as  the  man  I  came  to  see  was  a 
teacher.  It  was  a  fair  day  there,  and  I  enjoyed  it  while 
waiting  for  my  man,  with  whom  I  was  highly  pleased,  and 
whose  name  was  Lucy.  I  strolled  around  the  remainder 
of  the  afternoon  and  stopped  for  the  night  right  opposite 
the  castle  in  a  very  snug  hotel  kept  by  M.  Murphy,  if  I 
remember  right. 


JRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.  31 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Next  morning  I  left  for  Cork,  and  met  Stephens  and 
Luby  at  the  Commercial  Hotel.  After  resting  and  refresh- 
ing ourselves  we  took  a  stroll  through  the  famous  city, 
among  other  places  visiting  the  pile  from  which  the  fa- 
mous bells  of  Shandon  send  out  their  rapturous 
melody.  I  was  captivated  and  satisfied  I  had  per- 
formed a  duty  for  neglecting  w^hich  I  would  never  for- 
give myself. 

After  seeing  the  places  of  interest  inside  the  city,  I 
could  not  help  noticing  that  the  devastating  hand  of  mis- 
government  had  been  doing  its  work  of  destruction.  Al- 
though not  so  bad  as  elsewhere  it  was  quite  perceptible. 
We  took  in  the  Mall,  a  pleasant  walk,  and  also  got  a  good 
view  of  the  Cove.  Spike  Island,  with  its  menacing  and 
frowning  aspect,  kept  my  attention  riveted  for  a  moment 
or  two,  but  what  passed  through  my  mind  during  that 
short  space  of  time,  I  cannot  attempt  to  describe.  It 
marred  the  pleasure  that  otherwise  would  have  been  com- 
plete.     ( I ) . 

We  had  arranged  to  meet  our  Cork  friends  at  Carroll's 

(1)  The  convict  establishment  of  Ireland  was  at  that  time 
situated  on  Spike  Island,  which  is  located  in  the  Cove  of  Cork, 
modernly  known  as  Queenstown  Harbor,  so  named  after  a 
visit  of  Queen  Victoria.  Beneath  its  gloomy  walls  many  thou- 
sands of  Irishmen  were  done  to  death,  most  of  whom  were 
imprisoned  on  trumped-up  charges  in  connection  with  the 
various  land  agitations.  One  of  the  prisoners,  named  Cornelius 
O'Reilly,  afterward  a  resident  of  New  York,  made  his  escape 
from  there  under  extraordinary  circumstances.  He  was  impli- 
cated in  the  killing  of  a  rack-renting  and  licentious  landlord 
and  enlisted  in  the  army  in  order  to  escape  from  the  police. 
While  standing  on  St.  Patrick's  Bridge,  Cork,  as  a  soldier,  look- 
ing with  hundreds  of  others  at  a  furious  flood  in  the  River  Lee, 
a  little  child  fell  over  the  parapets  of  the  bridge  out  of  the 
arms  of  its  nurse,  who  was  among  the  spectators,  and  was 
being  carried  away  by  the  flood.  Quick  as  a  flash  O'Reilly 
jumped  after  it,   caught  it  in  his  arms  and,   although  he  was 


32  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

that  evening.  When  the  hour  came  all  were  on  hand. 
Among  the  advanced  Nationalists  were  Carroll,  Bryan 
Dillon,  Morty  Moynahan  and  James  Mountain.  These  I 
remember  distinctly.  They  made  a  deep  impression  on  me 
as  they  were  the  most  advanced  men  I  had  up  to  that  time 
fallen  in  with.  It  was  an  evening  well  spent  and  shall 
never  be  forgotten.  It  brought  me  in  touch  with  men  who 
were  abreast  of  the  times,  and  who  by  their  efforts  re- 
deemed the  city's  good  name,  and  made  it  the  first  on  the 
roll  of  honor  in  Ireland.     (2). 

carried  five  miles  by  the  rushing  current,  succeeded  in  saving 
its  life  and  his  own. 

The  child  was  the  daughter  of  Michael  Joseph  Barry,  a  lead- 
ing lawyer  of  Ireland  and  an  ardent  poet  and  patriot  of  the 
'48  movement.  For  accepting  ofP.ce  from  the  British  govern- 
ment and  turning  traitor  to  his  Irish  principles  he  was  nick- 
named "Judas  Barry."  He  was  Attorney  General  for  Ireland 
during  the  Fenian  trials  and  prosecuted  his  countrymen  for 
avowing  the  same  principles  which  he  advocated  himself  twenty 
years  before. 

O'Reilly  was  lionized  by  the  public  generally  for  his  noble 
action,  but  the  fame  he  achieved  disclosed  his  identity  and 
he  was  arrested  for  the  murder  of  the  landlord  and  sent  to 
Spike  Island  for  life.  He  was  there  only  a  short  time,  when 
the  warden  one  evening  winked  in  the  direction  of  a  stone 
on  the  beach  and  told  him  to  lag  behind.  Under  the  stone  was 
a  note  telling  him  to  watch  a  ship  which  lay  in  the  ofRng.  As 
night  was  closing  in  a  boat  put  off  from  the  ship,  made  for 
the  direction  of  O'Reilly,  picked  him  up.  carried  him  on  board, 
and  he  was  brought  safely  to  New  York.  It  never  became 
known  who  O'Reilly's  savior  was,  but  it  is  generally  believed 
that  it  was  Barry,  as  no  one  else  interested  had  the  power  to 
bring  about  such  an  escape.  Although  he  proved  recreant  to 
Ireland  he  still  retained  enough  gratitude  in  his  heart  to  rescue 
from  a  living  death  the  man  whose  bravery  saved  the  life  of 
his  child. 

O'Reilly  lived  for  many  years  in  New  York  and  kept  a  restau- 
rant in  Eighth  avenue,  near  Twenty-third  street,  about  a 
quarter  of  a  century  ago.  He  was  known  as  the  Commodore 
from  his  love  of  aquatics,  and  was  prominent  in  many  Irish 
organizations. 

(2)  Of  the  Corkmen  mentioned  above  Bryan  Dillon  and  James 
Mountain  were  arrested,  convicted  of  treason-felony  and  sen- 
tenced to  long  terms  of  imprisonment.  Mortimer  Moynahan 
was  one  of  the  men  arrested  for  the  so-called  Phoenix  con- 
spiracy In  1858-9.  He  was  not  arrested  in  the  '65-67  movement. 
He  escaped  to  New  York,  where  he  died  five  years  after  his 
arrival. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         33 

But  we  must  move  again — this  time  for  Killarney,  for  a 
sight  of  which  my  heart  was  panting.  We  left  next  morn- 
ing on  a  jaunting  car,  and,  after  traveling  some- distance, 
took  to  walking.  Stephens  spoke  of  Gougane  Barra,  but, 
as  we  had  no  special  business  there,  we  went  up  the  side 
of  a  mountain  and  were  soon  in  Glengariff.  Stephens 
knew  every  point  of  interest,  and  took  pride  in  pointing 
them  out  to  us  as  they  appeared  in  their  most  captivating 
aspects.  We  passed  under  the  natural  bridge,  and  were 
soon  in  the  County  Kerry,  the  birthplace  of  Daniel  O'Con- 
nell,  the  Liberator.  I  was  wrong  in  expecting  to  find 
conditions  better  there.  I  found  the  people  apparently 
more  enslaved  than  in  any  other  part  of  Ireland  which  I 
had  yet  visited,  and  which  I  learned  that  evening,  to  my 
great  sorrow. 

Our  first  stop  was  at  Kenmare.  We  put  up  at  a  little 
hotel  and  tavern,  where  we  were  to  meet  some  of  the 
townsmen  that  night.  We  were  now  in  the  dominion  of 
Lord  Landsdowne,  governed  by  his  Agent  Trench,  one  of 
the  meanest  and  most  contemptible  petty  tyrants  that  ever 
held  authority  over  poor  mortals.  His  vigilance  never 
slumbered,  consequently  there  was  more  caution  displayed 
here  on  that  account.  This  I  learned  from  a  man  who  sat 
beside  me,  and  who  had  arrived  later  than  the  others,  I 
could  not  help  noticing  that  an  uneasy  feeling  possessed 
him,  and  asked  was  there  anything  the  matter  with  him, 
he  looked  so  woebegone. 

''No,"  said  he ;  ''but  this  is  new  to  me,  and  this  is  a  ter- 
rible place." 

"This  house?"  said  I. 

"No,"  said  he ;  "I  mean  the  town ;  you  can't  move  with- 
out you  are  watched  and  talked  of." 

He  then  told  me  of  the  espionage  that  was  exercised 
and  some  of  the  rules  this  agent  had  laid  down  for  ob- 
servance by  the  community.  If  any  one  should  go  to  a 
wake,  no  matter  how  great  the  friend,  or  near  the  relative, 
you  must  first  get  the  agent's  consent.  Tenants  were  not 
permitted  to  marry  without  his  sanction.  Such  were  some 
of  the  rules  in  this  part  of  Kerry.  This  beautiful  place  was 
cursed  by  this  haughty  tyrant,  blustering  and  crimping 
all  the  joys  and  comforts,  social  and  economic  all  round. 


34  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

'Twas  here,  I  think,  I  first  met  O'Donovan  Rossa 
and  Dan  McCarty.  I  know  the  meeting  was  brief. 
After  Stephens  got  through,  we  left  the  place.     (3). 

We  were  now  on  our  way  to  the  Lakes,  and  arrived 
there  in  a  very  short  time.  Those  intervals  on  the  road 
were  very  interesting  to  me.  My  two  traveling  compan- 
ions could  find  no  equals  as  conversationalists  in  all  that 
talkative  land.  It  was  equal  to  a  course  of  lectures  on 
history,  literature  and  poetry,  not  of  English  only,  but  of 
all  the  nations  that  had  any  to  boast  of  in  ancient  or  mod- 
ern times.  I  took  it  all  in  and  venerated  these  two  worthy 
men  for  the  wonderful  knowledge  they  possessed  and  had 
so  ready  at  command  on  all  occasions.  I  thanked  Provi- 
dence for  the  privilege  of  seeing  this  romantic  and  pic- 
turesque part  of  my  native  land  in  such  company,  and  was 
perfectly  conscious  that  we  were  on  a  noble  mission  for  the 
sake  of  liberty,  truth  and  justice.  With  such  pleasing 
fancies  floating  around  me,  Killarney  burst  forth  on  our 
anxious  eyes.  Stephens  had  the  jarvey  drive  in  by  a  cer- 
tain road  between  two  slopes  forming  a  little  valley  on 
high  ground.  A  sudden  turn  in  the  road  revealed  the  Up- 
per Lake  in  all  its  glory  as  suddenly  as  an  artist  throws  a 
stereopticon  picture  on  a  canvas. 

Stephens  had  a  very  happy  way  of  getting  up  such  sur- 
prises, and  this  could  not  have  been  better  conceived.  He 
had  kept  us  interested  until  the  view  broke  on  our  vision. 
This  is  considered  the  best  approach  to  Killarney  for  tour- 
ists. The  town  is  insignificant,  but  all  else  magnificent. 
We  put  up  at  a  small  hotel,  the  proprietor  of  which  knew 
Stephens  well,  a  circumstance  that  brought  him  into  trou- 
ble afterward.  This  hotel  was  a  resort  for  those  of  limited 
means,  but  homely  and  comfortable.  After  refreshing 
ourselves,  and  making  arrangements  for  a  meeting  in  the 
evening,  Stephens  took  us  to  Ross  Island  and  Muckross 


(3)  O'Donovan  Rossa  has  since  achieved  a  world-wide  reputa- 
tion as  an  Irish  patriot.  He  became  business  manager  of  the 
Irish  People  newspaper,  Dublin,  and  was  afterwards  sentenced 
to  impri&^onment  for  life.  He  was  pardoned  in  1871  and  came  to 
New  York,  where  he  has  resided  ever  since.  He  is  now  pub- 
lisher of  the  United  Irishman.  Daniel  McCarthy  was  one  of  the 
principal  leaders  of  Cork. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         35 


O'DONOVAN  ROSSA 
From  Photograph  Taken  in  1894. 


36  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

Abbey,  and  he  knew  and  explained  so  many  things  of 
interest,  natural  beauties,  historic  scenes,  legends,  etc.,  that 
I  imagined  I  was  in  fairy  land. 

The  object  of  Stephens'  tour  was  to  secretly  visit  and 
personally  interview  the  most  influential  Nationalists  in 
each  town,  explaining  to  them  as  far  as  was  permissable 
at  that  time  the  plan  and  scope  of  the  organization  in 
America  and  Ireland,  and  what  it  hoped  to  accomplish. 

He  invariably  succeeded  in  getting  them  interested  to 
the  extent  of  their  becoming  active  local  organizers  and 
always,  before  leaving,  instructed  them  regarding  the  ex- 
pected growth  and  future  government  of  the  society  in 
that  section. 

The  meetings  were  carried  on  with  great  secrecy  behind 
closed  doors  and  in  each  place  Stephens  was  given  the 
names  of  reliable  men  in  the  next  town,  men  in  whose 
patriotism  he  could  rely  to  the  death;  these  in  turn  re- 
ferred him  to  others  further  along  and  in  that  way  the 
entire  South  was  organized. 

Later  on  other  men  were  sent  North  and  West,  men 
widely  acquainted  in  those  sections  who  repeated  the  good 
work  performed  by  Stephens,  Luby  and  others  in  the 
South  and  Southeast. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Next  day  he  had  a  boat  ready,  and  sent  it  somewhere 
for  future  use.  He  brought  us  through  Lord  Kenmare's 
grounds,  then  to  Kate  Kearney's  cottage,  where  we  had 
some  goat's  milk  and  mountain  dew,  then  through  the  gap 
of  Dunloe,  stopping  at  times  to  hear  the  echoes,  which 
were  caused  by  the  firing  of  small  cannon  by  men  who  got 
a  living  out  of  this  enterprise.  The  surroundings  were 
different  to  anything  I  had  yet  seen.  All  nature  was  shut 
out  from  our  view.  On  either  side  the  mountains  ran  up 
perpendicularly  and  as  the  passes  were  of  a  winding  na- 
ture, only  the  sky  above  us  and  a  short  glimpse  of  the 
pass  before  us  and  behind  us  was  visible  to  the  eye.  It 
is  a  weird,  lonely  place.  The  sun  has  very  little  chance 
of  displaying  his  influence  in  this  valley. 

We  now  arrived  in  sight  of  MacGillicuddy's  Reeks,  the 
highest  mountain  peak  in  Ireland.  After  resting  a  while 
and  taking  in  all  the  points  of  interest  pointed  out  to  us, 
we  met  the  renowned  guide,  a  real  knight  and  a  very  in- 
teresting acquaintance — the  Knight  of  the  Gap  of  Dunloe. 
Lord  Musgrave,  while  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  had 
visited  this  place,  and,  in  one  of  his  happy  moods,  con- 
ferred on  this  man  the  honor  of  Knighthood.  It  was 
merely  an  empty  title,  with  nothing  at  the  back  of  it,  he 
remarked,  and  rather  placed  him  in  an  awkward  position, 
as  he  had  no  way  of  entertaining  his  friends. 

We  next  descended  the  rocky  side  of  the  Black  Valley. 
There  is  no  vegetation  here — nothing  but  rock,  the  forma- 
tion of  which  is  very  peculiar.  It  is  formed  as  if  an 
ebbing  tide  on  every  receding  ebb  left  an  effect  like  a 
stairs,  some  of  the  steps  being  wider  and  deeper  than 
others.  Mrs.  S.  C.  Hall,  we  were  told,  was  the  only 
woman  who  had  made  a  descent  of  this  valley.  We  now 
reached  the  head  of  the  Upper  Lake  and  the  boat  that  was 


38  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

dispatched  in  the  morning  was  found  waiting  us  there. 
We  got  on  board  and  steered  for  Arbutus  Island.  In  a 
few  minutes  we  were  there.  The  boatman  had  a  nice 
lunch  spread  out  for  us — another  of  Stephens'  surprises. 
Never  was  a  meal  more  thoroughly  enjoyed. 

But,  as  in  all  terrestrial  affairs,  there  were  some  draw- 
backs. At  certain  times  of  the  year,  the  midges  come  in 
great  swarms.  This  island  is  their  home — at  least  they 
make  it  appear  so,  for  they  never  cease  to  make  war  on 
all  intruders.  We  did  not  remain  long ;  finding  we  were 
not  welcome,  we  departed  and  left  them  in  peace.  In  this 
island  the  Arbutus  tree  reaches  perfection.  Its  bright 
green  leaves  and  red  berries  make  it  a  picture  in  itself. 
We  embarked  again  and  steered  for  the  IMiddle  Lake, 
the  scenery  all  around  us  increasing  in  beauty  and  grand- 
eur, the  hills  and  mountains  thrown  up  so  fantastically 
that  they  were  utterly  beyond  my  powers  of  description. 

On  we  went  through  this  maze  of  wonder^  until  the 
boatman  ran  us  on  a  little  strand,  right  opposite  the 
Eagles'  Nest.  We  all  jumped  on  shore  and  found  Gilles- 
pie, the  cornetist,  there.  He  gave  us  an  entertainment 
never  to  be  forgotten.  He  played  "The  Last  Rose  of  Sum- 
mer" a  bar  at  a  time^  stopping  until  the  echoes  died  away, 
and  then  continuing.  Every  note  he  played  was  echoed 
and  re-echoed  a  thousand  times  in  the  promontory  of  the 
Eagles'  Nest.  He  then  went  around  a  rock  close  by, 
concealed  himself  and  resumed  playing.  It  appeared 
to  me  that  he  had  been  v^afted  by  some  mysterious 
and  unseen  power  to  the  Eagles'  Nest,  the  echoes  re- 
verberating from  there  being  the  only  sound  we  heard. 

We  regretted  having  to  leave  this  enchanting  place,  but 
were  compelled  to,  because  of  the  rapidly  approaching 
close  of  the  day,  and  the  necessity  of  keeping  engage- 
ments at  the  hotel.  I  will  refrain  from  mentioning  the 
names  of  those  we  met  there,  fearing  that,  even  though 
they  have  passed  away,  their  offsprings  might  be  harassed 
by  the  relentless  tyrants  who  rule  there  yet. 

Next  day,  we  visited  Glena,  took  a  peep  into  ''O'Sulli- 
van's  Library"  and  examined  with  great  interest  every- 
thing said  to  have  been  identified  in  the  past  with  the 
chieftain  of  that  name.     The  "Devil's  Punchbowl'^  was 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         39 

next  on  our  list,  a  mountain  with  a  lake  on  the  sum- 
mit. Both  command  the  attention  of  the  visitor  and 
are  worthy  of  a  pilgrimage.  Some  important  work  was 
to  be  done  by  us  on  the  following  night  and  then  we  were 
to  leave  the  place.  This  left  us  all  next  day  for  sightsee- 
ing, and  Stephens  told  us  to  prepare  for  a  long  journey  on 
the  morro'w  on  foot. 

We  started  early  next  morning,  taking  refreshments 
along,  as  there  was  no  likelihood  of  our  being  able  to  ob- 
tain anything  to  eat  until  our  return.  We  wended  our  way 
up  the  Esk  River,  a  little  mountain  stream,  so  narrow  at 
some  places  one  could  jump  across  it.  The  route  we  took 
to  Glen-na-Coppal  or  the  Horses'  Glen  is  one  seldom 
used  by  tourists. 

This  day's  journey  affording  the  opportunity,  my  com- 
panions began  discussing  matters  in  their  usual  happy 
vein.  While  resting,  Stephens,  indicating  a  plateau  on  an 
adjoining  hill  affording  a  view  of  the  lakes  and  mountains, 
which  we  had  seen  the  day  previous,  said:  "There  is 
where  we  will  build  our  University."  Then  he  described 
his  plan  for  the  proposed  structure.  Previous  to  this  the 
conversation  had  been  on  the  past,  its  heroes,  great  men 
of  literature,  thinkers,  artists,  etc. ;  but  now  it  turned  to 
the  future.  The  idea  of  the  University  to  me  appeared  to 
belong  to  dreamland,  but  then  I  thought  it  was  Fancy 
taking  a  little  recreation  or  amusement,  but  I  would  rather 
not  have  heard  it  expressed  in  so  earnest  a  manner. 

We  ascended  a  mountain,  and  when  we  came  down  on 
the  other  side  Luby  was  quite  beside  himself  at  the  feat 
we  had  performed.  If  Hannibal,  after  crossing  the  Alps, 
felt  more  elated,  he  must  indeed  have  been  a  proud  man. 
It  was  one  of  the  funniest  experiences  we  had,  except 
the  crossing  of  Cromwell's  Bridge,  which  excelled  the 
event  at  Lodi,  in  our  estimation. 

We  came  at  last  to  the  Lake,  a  lonely  spot  with  nothing 
but  its  solitariness  to  recommend  it  to  any  one.  The  day 
being  excessively  hot,  and  all  around  quite  still,  with 
no  one  in  sight  or  likely  to  be,  we — Luby  and 
myself — made  up  our  minds  to  have  a  dip  in 
the  Lake.  Its  nice  sandy  beach  looked  quite 
inviting.         Although       I       cannot       boast       of       my 


40  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

swimming,  I  knew  my  friend  could  not  swim  a  stroke,  so 
we  went  carefully  along^  treading  within  our  depths  and 
with  antics  worthy  of  happier  days,  enjoying  our  refresh- 
ing amusement,  when  suddenly  down  I  went  over  a  ledge 
into  the  depths.  I  could  feel  the  side  of  the  abyss  until 
my  feet  touched  bottom.  When  I  arose  to  the  surface,  I 
found  my  friend  within  an  arm's  length  of  me.  Another 
jump  of  his  would  have  brought  him  to  the  edge  and  put 
JDOth  of  us  in  a  precarious  position,  so  I  rushed  on  him  and 
knocked  him  over.  It  took  some  time  to  convince  him  of 
the  danger  we  were  in.  He  was  like  a  boy  full  of  fun  and 
excitement  all  through  our  bath.  Stephens,  stretched  on 
the  grass,  was  laughing  at  us,  but  did  not  know  at  the 
time  the  danger  we  were  in. 

We  dressed  and  partook  of  the  refreshments  we  had 
brought  with  us,  but  had  no  goat's  milk.  Stephens  knew 
of  a  cot  convenient,  so  we  went  there.  Leaving  the  woods 
and  groves  behind  us,  we  ascended  a  slight  eminence  and 
found  ourselves  in  prairie  land. 

The  cot  was  at  some  distance,  standing  alone,  like  a 
place  forsaken ;  but,  on  nearer  approach,  we  found  it  com- 
paratively cozy  and  cleanly  kept.  On  entering,  an  old 
man  came  to  greet  us,  and  Stephens  told  him  of  our  need. 
In  a  few  moments  a  young  woman  came  out  of  an  ad- 
joining room,  barefooted  and  very  thinly  clad.  Her 
unexpected  appearance  struck  us  with  surprise ;  her 
beauty,  grace  and  gentleness,  appearing  so  unex- 
pectedly, silenced  us  for  a  minute  or  two. 

We  had  not  the  slightest  idea  of  finding  such  a  pleasing 
hostess  in  this  remote  habitation.  She  brought  us  some 
fresh  sweet  milk  and  bade  us  make  ourselves  at  ease.  She 
said :  "So  seldom  are  we  visited,  that  it  makes  us  glad  to 
see  anybody." 

If  Davis'  girl  at  Lough  Dan  excelled  our  heroine  in  any 
feature,  she  must  have  been  an  angel.  After  paying  our 
devoirs  to  her  and  her  father,  we  retraced  our  steps,  hav- 
ing new  food  for  contemplation  in  the  varied  trifles  that 
made  up  the  day.  We  arrived  at  our  hotel  and  finished 
business  in  Killarney,  for  that  time  at  least. 

Next  morning  we  started  for  Dublin,  passing  the  two 
lovely  hills  called  the  Paps,  an  adjunct  of  Killarney.    We 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         41 

had  a  few  minutes'  stoppage  at  Limerick  Junction,  where 
we  had  some  most  excellent  coffee,  a  rare  thing  to  find  at  a 
railway  station. 

In  Dublin  we  found  no  news  from  America.  About 
this  time  Luby  had  important  business  in  the  County 
Meath,  and  as  I  knew  the  party  he  was  to  see,  he  took 
me  along  with  him.  We  went  by  way  of  Navan,  where 
we  called  on  Thomas  Masterson.  Thence  by  jaunting 
car  to  Drumcondra,  where  we  were  to  see  our  man.  It 
was  Sunday  morning  when  we  arrived  and  we  found 
him  at  breakfast.  He  was  the  parish  schoolmaster,  and 
also  acted  as  sexton  to  the  Chapel,  which  stood  nearly 
opposite  his  house.  His  name  was  Reilly.  He  invited 
us  to  be  seated  and  wait  awhile^  as  he  had  to  ring  the 
chapel  bell  for  mass,  and  would  return  in  a  short  time. 

After  he  had  left,  Luby  and  I  took  a  walk  north- 
wards, intending  to  return  in  time  to  meet  our  friend. 
A  short  distance  outside  the  village  we  met  a  man  I 
knew  well — a  respectable  farmer,  on  his  way  to  mass. 
When  he  saw  us  he  jumped  off  the  jaunting  car,  took 
me  aside  and  asked  me  if  that  was  Luby  with  me.  I 
told  him  it  was,  and  introduced  them.  He  advised  us 
not  to  go  back  to  the  village,  for  Reilly  had  sworn  to 
him  he  would  have  Luby  arrested  the  first  time  he  saw 
him.  He  told  us  to  go  on  as  we  were  going  until  we 
came  to  the  railway  station,  and  take  the  next  train  for 
Dublin. 

I  wanted  to  return  to  the  village,  as  I  thought  there 
must  be  some  mistake,  and  knowing  Reilly,  I  could  not 
believe  he  would  act  as  we  were  told,  but  my  friend  re- 
monstrated and  assured  us  it  was  true,  and  gave  rea- 
sons for  avoiding  Reilly.  We  hastened  to  Gormans- 
town  where,  after  waiting  a  short  time,  we  got  a  train 
bound  for  Dublin,  where  we  arrived  in  good  time. 

We  received  news  of  our  trip  to  Drumcondra  a  few 
days  later  through  a  friend  engaged  in  the  pawn  office 
business,  who  showed  us  a  copy  of  the  "Hue  and  Cry," 
which  contained  a  description  of  Luby  and  myself,  with 
an  order  authorizing  any  policeman  to  arrest  us  on 
sight.  The  facts  in  the  matter  were,  Reilly  told  Father 
O'Brien  there  were  two  emissaries  of  a  Secret  Society 


A   PERSONAL  NARRATIVE   OE  THE 


.^^k    ^^K**'  >*^^K*. 

1^ 

^^F^^^^^  **  1* 

r 

h    ''        ■               ■ 

THOMAS  CLARKE  LUBY. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERFIOOD.         43 

from  Dublin  in  town.  His  Reverence  after  the  Gospel, 
told  his  hearers  to  beware  of  them  and  advised  them 
on  that  head.  The  Sergeant  of  Police  and  his  squad 
being  members  of  the  congregation,  left  the  chapel  at 
once  and  had  all  the  roads  leading  out  of  Drumcondra 
guarded,  while  they  searched  the  place  for  us.  They 
arrested  two  tramps,  and  after  putting  them  through  an 
examination,  let  them  go. 

In  consequence  of  this,  Luby  was  obliged  to  leave 
home,  and  took  temporary  lodgings  in  the  North  Sub- 
urbs. I  remained  where  I  was,  but  kept  very  close,  not 
stirring  out  until  night,  when  I  would  visit  Langan's. 
My  residence  was  not  known,  nor  myself,  only  among  a 
few  friends. 

For  about  two  months  we  were  kept  in  this  seclusion, 
which  was  a  very  severe  strain  on  Luby,  who  lived 
among  strangers.  I  called  on  him  as  often  as  possible, 
and  had  a  pleasant  time  listening  to  his  daily  vexations 
and  surprises  which  were  unavoidable  under  the  cir- 
cumstances. 

James  Stephens  left  for  America  and  everything  re- 
mained practically  at  a  standstill,  or  nearly  so.  It  was 
arranged  that  he  would  return  by  way  of  Paris.  About 
this  period  the  Government  seemed  to  become  aware 
for  the  first  time  that  a  powerful  secret  Revolutionary 
society  was  being  propagated  throughout  the  country, 
and  became  much  alarmed  thereat. 

At  this  juncture  ''The  Nation,''  of  Dublin,  then  in  the 
hands  of  A.  M.  and  T.  D.  Sullivan,  published  an  article 
on  the  evils  of  spreading  an  illegal  society  in  the  south 
and  declaring  it  would  be  the  duty  of  that  paper  to  ex- 
pose those  engaged  in  such  reprehensible  business.  I 
kept  the  paper  for  Stephens,  and  showed  it  to  him  on 
his  return.  On  reading  it  he  denounced  the  Sullivans 
as  "felon  setters,"  a  name  which  was  publicly  applied 
to  them  soon  after  and  which  stuck  to  them  for  a  gene- 
ration. 

It  has  often  since  been  a  source  of  surprise  and  pain 
to  me  to  see  good,  true  Irishmen  engaged  in  fiercely  de- 
nouncing some  other  good  Irishman  with  whom  they 


44  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

happened  to  differ  on  some  minor  question  of  policy  or 
of  detail. 

Some  men  love  to  pose  as  patriots  and  leaders  and 
want  a  monopoly  of  the  posing.  When  another 
equally  good  man  becomes  tired  of  seeing  them  pose 
and  accomplish  nothing,  and  starts  out  to  do  better, 
then  the  first  patriot  suddenly  awakens  to  the  enormity 
of  the  offense  being  committed  by  his  rival  and  a  row 
ensues  in  which  all  sight  of  the  main  object  aimed  at 
by  both  parties  is  entirely  lost. 

In  looking  back  on  this  period  after  a  lapse  of  many 
years  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  doubt  concerning 
the  true  patriotism  of  the  Sullivans  (although  I  did 
not  think  so  at  the  time),  but  it  does  seem  to  me  they 
aspired  to  a  monopoly  of  Irish  patriotism,  perhaps  of 
Irish  leadership,  and  could  not  tolerate  any  men  or  any 
movement  that  tended  to  infringe  on  their  imaginary 
position  of  being  the  sole  Irish  political  leaders  at  that 
time. 

The  inquiries  instituted  by  the  Government  officials 
resulted  in  the  procuring  of  a  few  mercenary  informers 
on  whose  uncorroborated  evidence  a  number  of  Phoe- 
nix men  were  unexpectedly  arrested  in  various  places. 
O'Donovan  Rossa  was  arrested  in  Skibbereen,  Dennis 
Riordan  in  Macroon,  and  Martin  Hawe  in  Kilkenny. 
Morty  Moynahan,  Billy  O'Shea,  P.  J.  Dowling  and 
others,  equally  well  known,  were  also  taken  in  and  im- 
prisoned. There  was  some  excitement  for  a  time,  but 
most  of  the  prisoners  were  eventually  released,  as  no 
juries  could  be  found  to  convict  them.  O'Donovan 
Rossa  was  not  brought  to  trial,  but  was  remanded 
twice  without  bail,  thereby  compelling  him  to  suffer  a 
long  imprisonment  without  having  been  convicted. 
He  was  finally  released  without  trial. 

An  informer  named  Warner,  after  he  had  done  his 
infamous  work  in  the  South,  was  sent,  under  the  care 
of  the  police  to  Ballybock  Bridge  barracks.  This  fel- 
low was  a  recreant  member  of  the  Society  in  Skibber- 
een. He  continued  to  frequent  public  houses  around 
the  barracks  and  boast  he  was  the  informer  that  had 
those  fine   fellows   locked   up.     This  boasting,   which 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         45 

was  done  with  impunity,  became  the  talk  of  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  finally  reached  Dublin. 

At  Langan's  the  matter  was  often  talked  of.  We 
thought  it  disgraceful  to  have  it  going  on  day  after 
day.  We  also  thought  as  he  was  the  first  informer,  it 
w^ould  have  a  good  effect  morally,  and  act  as  a  deter- 
rent to  others,  to  have  that  wretch  summarily  dealt 
with.  We  looked  upon  his  boastings  as  a  challenge 
and  finally  decided  that  one  of  us  should  see  the  fel- 
low, and  if  he  again  boasted  of  his  treachery,  shoot 
him.  There  was  every  probability  that  our  man  would 
be  captured,  but  he  was  to  go  prepared  to  take  the  con- 
sequences. 

As  James  Stephens  was  still  absent,  Luby  was  in 
charge  of  affairs,  and  I  shall  never  forget  the  effect  the 
proposition  had  on  him..  Pacing  up  and  down,  he  said, 
"My  God,  it  cannot  be  permitted.  The  sacrifice  would 
be  too  great — giving  a  good  man  for  a  scoundrel ; 
moreover,  I  will  not  take  the  responsibility  of  such  a 
course  upon  myself."  The  matter  was  reluctantly 
given  up,  perhaps,  for  the  better.  I  have,  however, 
sometimes  thought  if  it  had  been  carried  out  it  might 
have  checked  the  treachery  and  audacity  of  other 
scoundrels  and  perhaps  saved  many  a  good,  true  man, 
who  was  afterward  made  the  victim  of  perjured  in- 
formers. 


46  A-  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  YI. 

According  to  arrangement,  Luby  left  Dublin  about 
the  early  part  of  March,  '59,  to  meet  Stephens  in  Bou- 
logne, on  his  return  from  America.  Stephens'  trip  was 
reported  to  have  been  a  most  successful  one ;  at  last, 
he  had  secured  sufficient  funds  to  work  with  and  was 
sanguine  of  having  a  supply  for  the  future. 

In  a  short  time  I  received  a  call  to  come  to  Paris. 
Dan  AlcCartie  and  Owen  Considine  were  already 
there,  but  a  few  days  after  my  arrival  were  sent  back 
to  Ireland.  It  was  Stephens'  intention  to  bring  over 
all  the  ''A's" — that  is,  the  centres  of  circles — and  give 
them  a  course  of  instruction  in  military  affairs.  He 
told  us  he  had  laid  the  foundation  of  a  plan  that  would 
yield  him  all  the  money  required,  and  he  would  soon 
have  a  school  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  tnose  whom 
he  would  select  and  utilize  for  the  advancement  of  the 
cause. 

It  was  at  this  time  I  got  acquainted  with  Arthur 
O'Leary,  brother  of  John  O'Leary,  who  was  about 
leaving  for  America,  sent  by  Stephens  on  some  im- 
portant mission.  This  took  place  about  the  latter  part 
of  May,  1859.  Arthur  was  a  splendid  specimen  of  the 
student  class.  He  had  been  teaching  English  in  one 
of  the  colleges,  and  lived  with  Stephens.  Denis  Dow- 
ling  Mulcahy  arrived  next.(i) 

(1)  Dr.  Denis  Dowling  Mulcahy,  the  famous  Fenian,  was  67 
years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death,  which  occurred  on  Septem- 
ber l.^th,  1900,  in  Newark,  N.  J..  He  had  resided  in  Newark  for 
twenty-seven  years.  Dr.  Mulcahy  was  a  native  of  Redmonds- 
town  in  the  county  Tipperary.  He  was  born  in  1833.  He  joined 
the  Fenian  Brotherhood,  and  soon  rose  to  eminence  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  patriots.  He  was  arrested,  tried  and  sentenced  to  a 
term  of  penal  servitude.  He  served  his  term  in  Portland  and 
Millbank  Prisons. 
His  speech   in  the  dock  revealed   the   true   patriot.     It  was   im- 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         47 

I  had  been  in  Paris  nearly  four  months  when  I  dis- 
covered, to  my  amazement,  that  the  funds  were  again 
getting  low — rent  unpaid,  various  bills  due,  expenses 
accumulating,  and  everything  looking  blue  again.  As 
for  myself,  knowing  how  we  were  depending  on 
America  for  remittances,  I  began  to  feel  uncomfort- 
able ;  in  fact,  almost  ashamed  to  come  to  our  quarters. 
I  resolved  to  ask  Stephens  to  let  me  go  back  to  Dublin, 
and  he  decided  I  could  go  if  he  heard  nothing  from 
New  York  the  coming  week.     The  week  expired,  but 


DR.  DENIS  DOWLING  MULCAHY. 


we  received  no  news  from  New  York,  and  finally,  after 
a  sojourn  of  four  months  in  that  beautiful  city,  I  left 
for  Dublin. 


passioned,  vigorous  and  defiant.  The  judge  vainly  said  he  would 
not  listen.     Mulcahy  made  his  speech  to  the  end. 

On  being  released  he  went  to  France,  where  he  lived  for  two 
years,  and  then  came  to  the  United  States.  After  many  wander- 
ings he  settled  in  Newark,  and  engaged  in  the  practice  of  medi- 
cine. 


48  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

I  must  tell  how  we  spent  our  time  in  Paris.  John 
O'Leary  returned  from  America  in  September,  '59.  I 
had  met  him  before  leaving.  He  did  not  belong  to  the 
Organization,  at  least,  he  never  took  the  obligation. 
He  was  an  entirely  different  man  to  his  brother  Arthur, 
very  reserved,  somewhat  of  an  aristocrat,  but  very  gen- 
ial to  anyone  he  liked. 

Paris,  at  this  time,  was  in  its  happiest  mood — the 
Empire  being  in  its  halcyon  days.  We  saw  the  army 
depart  for  Italy  and  return,  covered  with  glory.  Ma- 
genta and  Solferino  were  victories  the  nation  was  proud 
of.  As  we  were  laying  on  our  oars,  with  little  to  do, 
we  put  in  our  time  in  the  most  profitable  and  best  way 
we  could — seeing  everything  of  note. 

The  Captain  (Stephens),  knew  everything  that  hap- 
pened in  and  around  the  city,  and  his  directions  were 
carried  out  to  the  letter.  Sometimes  he  came  with  us 
himself  to  Versailles,  St.  Cloud,  Pere  la  Chaise  and  the 
Bois  de  Boulogne.  He  took  great  pleasure  in  pointing 
out  the  bas-relief — all  allegorical  studies — on  the  Arc 
of  Triumph.  Once  he  accompanied  us  to  the  Luxem- 
burg, the  Palace  de  Cluny,  Sevres  and  St.  Clotilde. 
These  places  were  often  visited  by  us  afterward.  Wet 
days  were  spent  in  the  picture  galleries  and  art  studios. 

Arthur  O'Leary  devoted  one  day  to  taking  me 
through  the  Latin  Quarter,  which  presented  to  me  a 
phase  of  Parisian  life  I  had  not  seen  before.  One  place 
we  visited  was  a  pension  or  kind  of  hotel,  where  the 
students  lived.  As  soon  as  we  entered  a  large  hall, 
there  was  a  rush  for  Arthur — who  was  known  to  all 
and  exceedingly  popular — such  handshaking  and  kick- 
ing up  I  have  never  witnessed  since  I  came  from  that 
decorous  city.  He  was  beloved  by  all  who  surrounded 
him.  Some  were  young  ladies  who  were  more  re- 
served in  their  compliments,  but  none  the  less  genu- 
inely pleased  to  see  him.  Among  the  students  were 
two  young  men  from  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  who  made  it 
very  pleasant  for  me,  as  we  could  converse  freely  in 
English.  They  told  me  they  were  sometimes  annoyed 
by  the  remarks  and  reflections  of  the  other  students  on 
New  York  and  America  generally  ;  to  the  effect  that  the 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         49 


JOHN   O'LEARY 
(Editor  "The  Irish  People")  From  a  Painting  by  J,  B.  Yeats 


50  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

United  States  was  a  receptacle  for  the  scum  of  Europe, 
and  consequently  there  was  no  society,  no  refinement 
there,  etc.,  etc. 

After  a  while  some  of  the  students  asked  me  how  I 
found  the  United  States,  and  I  told  them  they  were 
mistaken  in  their  opinions  regarding  it ;  that  they  could 
find  as  good  society  there  as  they  could  in  any  city  of 
Europe,  and  after  all,  their  remarks  reflected  on  them- 
selves, as  the  disreputable  classes  in  America  were  the 
product  of  their  own  beautiful  European  civilization. 
We  finally  succeeded  in  removing  the  odium  cast  on 
America  and  placed  it  at  the  door  of  Europe.  Our  two 
American  friends  were  so  elated  with  the  outcome  of 
the  interview,  they  took  Arthur  and  myself  to  the  Bois 
and  we  had  a  glorious  time.  In  blaming  Europe,  I  ex- 
cepted Paris,  as  I  thought  there  was  more  civil  liberty 
to  be  found  there  than  in  any  place  I  had  yet  seen.  A 
person  is  safe  and  unmolested  there  wherever  he  goes, 
night  or  day. 

I  spent  many  pleasant  evenings  with  John  O'Leary. 
His  greatest  pleasure  lay  among  the  bookstalls  along 
the  Quay  d'Orsie,  a  favorite  resort  of  his.  He  gave  me 
a  souvenir  the  day  before  I  left  that  I  highly  prize. 

The  evenings  spent  in  our  quarters  were  also  very 
pleasant.  Our  landlord  and  family,  the  LaCours,  oc- 
cupied the  first  floor,  and  we  a  suite  above  them.  They 
were  from  Lyons  and  were  but  a  short  time  in  Paris. 
We  were  on  good  terms  with  them  and  visited  them 
frequently.  Stephens  was  always  happy  on  these  oc- 
casions, for  he  seemed  to  be  at  home  in  French  society. 

Luby  left  for  Dublin  about  this  time.  I  began  to  be 
satiated  with  all  this  dazzling  splendor  and  gaiety,  and 
longed  to  see  the  green  hills  and  mountains  around 
Dublin.  The  dependent  state  in  which  we  were  placed 
added  to  my  desire  to  get  away.  I  was  well  pleased 
with  my  trip,  and  thanked  Providence  for  the  oppor- 
tunity afforded  me  for  so  delightful  a  sojourn.  As  long 
as  life  remains,  the  impressions  made  on  my  mind  by 
these  charming  French  people  will  never  be  effaced. 

My  return  was  over  the  same  route  as  I  went, 
through  Normandy  to  Dieppe.     It  was  in  autumn  and 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         51 

the  crops  were  all  cut  and  husbanded,  the  orchards  all 
stripped  and  their  fruits  put  away.  Abundance  of 
everything  had  blessed  the  labors  of  these  industrious 
people.  As  I  passed  along  this  section  of  the  country, 
I  was  at  a  loss  to  know  how  they  managed  their  herds 
and  flocks,  as  there  were  no  hedges,  fences  or  rails  seen 
dividing  the  different  holdings. 

One  of  the  husbandmen,  who  got  on  the  train,  a  very 
sociable  person,  explained  all  to  me.  Stakes  set  in  the 
ground  mark  the  limits  of  each  one's  holding,  and  a 
common  pasture  serves  for  all  purposes  of  cattle  rais- 
ing, so  there  is  no  waste  by  these  unnecessary  and  con- 
servative structures.  It  did  not  appear  to  me  so  pic- 
turesque or  so  pleasing  to  the  eye  as  the  more  ex- 
travagant space-occupying  ditches  and  fences  used  in 
Ireland,  nor  does  it  appear  so  home-like  or  cosey  as 
some  well  kept  farms  of  the  privileged  classes  in  Ire- 
land, or  even  those  of  the  humbler  class  of  farmers, 
w^ho,  with  all  the  disadvantages  of  "tenants  at  will," 
yet  have  something  around  their  homes  to  bind  them  to 
the  place  of  their  nativity. 

I  arrived  in  Dieppe  on  a  market  day,  but  found  I  had 
not  much  time  to  see  this  quaint  old  town,  as  I  would 
wish  to  do,  so  I  made  the  best  use  of  the  time  I  had 
to  spare.  I  could  not  understand  much  of  their  con- 
versation, so  my  inquiries  were  very  limited. 

The  first  thing  that  impressed  me  was  the  attire  of 
the  women,  there  being  very  few  men  to  be  seen.  At 
first  glance  I  thought  it  must  be  a  religious  meeting,  as 
the  women  were  all  dressed  alike,  or  nearly  so,  the  only 
slight  difference  apparent  to  me  being  in  the  make-up 
of  the  neckwear  or  in  the  material  of  the  dress,  but  in- 
variably everyone  wore  the  same  style  of  bonnet  or 
head  dress.  There  were  no  filthy  or  dirty  rags  to  be 
seen  anywhere.  Cleanliness,  temperance  and  thrift 
seemed  to  be  well  observed  by  these  sturdy  and  com- 
fortable looking  people,  which  impressed  me  very  fa- 
vorably. Good  by,  La  Belle  France,  may  your  days  of 
peace  and  plenty  long  continue. 


52  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VII. 

After  a  shaky  and  disagreeable  passage  across  the 
Channel,  I  arrived  in  Newcastle,  and  took  the  next  train 
for  Liverpool,  where,  after  a  few  little  naps  en  route  and 
some  occasional  stoppages,  I  arrived  and  took  the  next 
steamer  for  Dublin. 

It  was  about  8  o'clock  on  Sunday  evening  when  I 
once  more  entered  my  welcome  quarters  in  Trinity 
street.  As  I  had  not  communicated  with  my  friends 
while  in  Paris,  my  unexpected  return  was  agreeably  en- 
joyed by  all.  These  friends,  of  whom  I  have  spoken 
so  often,  as  Mr.  and  Mrs.  K.,  I  had  known  in  New  York. 
They  left  there  two  weeks  before  I  did.  Whei:  they 
departed  I  had  no  intention  oi  loilownig  them  so  soun, 
but  did  so,  as  I  have  explained  before,  because  of  a  let- 
ter acquainting  me  of  my  father's  illness. 

On  my  second  visit  to  Dublin  I  found  time  to  call  on 
a  schoolmate  of  mine,  James  Grace,  and  spent  that 
Saturday  nigbt  with  him.  He  had  married  a  school- 
mate of  ours,  who  had  been  a  good  wife,  but  who  had 
died  a  short  time  before  this  meeting,  and  when  her 
name  was  mentioned  it  caused  sadness  and  sorrow. 

On  going  to  church  next  morning,  while  crossing 
W'icklow  street,  we  saw  a  young  lady  being  assisted 
into  a  carriage  by  a  young  man,  at  which  time  I  was 
asked  by  Mr.  Grace  if  Lever  intended  marrying.  I  re- 
plied, humorously,  ''No,  I  intend  to  spend  a  single  life ; 
but  if  ever  I  do,  I  should  like  to  wed  a  young  lady  like 
the  one  entering  that  carriage." 

Walking  through  Sackville  street  next  day,  who 
should  I  meet  but  Mr.  K.,  of  New  York,  who  was 
greatly  surprised  to  see  me,  and  who,  after  I  had  ex- 
plained my  unexpected  appearance,  welcomed  me  very 
kindly.     He  made  some  inquiries  about  my  intentions 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         53 

for  the  future,  and  then  advised  me  to  settle  down  and 
live  in  Ireland.  He  said  he  w^as  disgusted  with  the 
feeling  that  was  prevalent  in  America  at  that  time. 
Know-Nothingism  was  then  rampant  and  directing  all 
its  venom  against  the  Irish  Catholics.  I  had  myself  ex- 
perienced some  of  its  disagreeable  annoyances,  and  de- 
plored the  fact  of  such  an  un-American  institution. 
Before  we  parted  he  invited  me  to  call  and  see  him  at 
his  home,  which  I  accepted,  promising  to  call  next  day. 

The  address  he  gave  me  was,  strange  to  say,  the 
house  from  which  I  saw  the  young  lady  leaving  in  a 
carriage  the  day  before.  Mr.  K.  was  expecting  me, 
and  met  me  at  the  door.  Mrs.  K.  then  came  and  gave 
me  a  warm  greeting  and  introduced  me  to  her  two  sis- 
ters, the  younger  of  whom  was  the  same  lady  I  saw  the 
previous  day,  and  I  learned  that  the  gentleman  who  as- 
sisted her  to  the  carriage  was  her  brother,  whose  ac- 
quaintance I  made  a  few  days  later. 

Circumstances  brought  the  young  lady  and  myself 
together  very  often,  but  the  feeling  was  no  stronger 
than  niere  friendship  until  my  return  from  Paris.  Then 
a  new  and  stronger  feeling  set  in  and  in  a  short  time 
after  we  became  engaged. 

About  this  time  Patrick  Mansfield  Delany,  of  Kilkenny, 
was  arrested  in  that  town.  He  was  a  prosperous  mer- 
chant and  also  owned  and  managed  a  large  farm  in  the 
country.  While  Delany  was  in  jail  awaiting  trial  (bail 
having  been  refused),  and  the  Government  busy  hunting 
up  evidence  with  which  to  convict  him,  his  harvest  crop 
became  ripe  and  ready  for  the  sickle.      ( i ) 

Haltigan,  then  the  head  of  the  organization  in  Kil- 
kenny, organized  a  corps  of  harvesters,  all  young  men 
and  women,  who,  with  Rody  Kickham,  of  Mullanahone, 
at  their  head,  set  to  work  on  a  Sunday  at  daylight  and 
cut  and  stacked  every  blade  of  grain  on  the  farm, 
so  many  of  them  being  present  that  the  work  was  (|one 

(1)  Patrick  Mansfield  Delany  was  acquitted,  the  jury  unani- 
mously declaring-  him  not  guilty.  His  good  wife  died  soon 
after  and,  as  he  had  no  family,  he  sold  his  property  and  emi- 
grated to  America.  He  enlisted  in  the  Union  army  and  was 
killed  in  the  first  battle  in  which  he  took  part. 


54  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

in  a  few  hours.  There  was  a  banquet  arranged  for  at 
a  hotel  in  the  town  of  Carlow,  about  eighteen  miles  dis- 
tant, to  which  all  the  leaders  of  the  harvesters  were  in- 
vited. Through  the  courtesy  of  my  friend  Haltigan  I 
was  present  as  a  guest,  and  I  have  been  glad  ever  since 
I  was  present,  for  of  all  the  merry  makings  I  ever  at- 
tended, that  one  eclipsed  them  all.  Never  had  I  seen  a 
more  jovial  set  before ;  they  had  the  bloom  of  the  harv- 
est on  their  cheeks,  and  their  eyes  beamed  with  kind- 
ness and  love,  as  if  the  work  they  were  after  accom- 
plishing had  surrounded  them  with  a  halo  of  blessed- 
ness. 

Rody  Kickham  presided  and  did  honor  to  the  occas- 
ion. I  had  read  of  King  Arthur  making  merry  at  the 
round  table  with  his  knights,  after  some  chivalrous 
foray,  but  if  he  looked  more  gracious,  benevolent  or 
condescending  than  did  Rody  on  that  occasion,  or  bet- 
ter pleased  with  the  patriotism  and  devotion  of  his  fol- 
lowers, he  must  have  been  a  divinity.  The  solemnity 
of  the  day  forbade  all  excesses  of  jocularity,  therefore 
the  dance — the  climax  of  all  Irish  festivities — was 
abandoned.  Sentiment,  a  little  music  and  a  flow  of 
good  humor  filled  the  place. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  banquet  it  was  suggested 
that,  before  we  separated,  we  should  go  and  pay  a  pass- 
ing tribute  at  the  shrine  of  the  great  champion  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty,  Dr.  Doyle,  wdiich  was  close  by  in 
a  neighboring  church.  All  went  and  knelt  at  the 
shrine. 

"What  did  he  do  to  make  him  so  revered?"  asked  one 
of  the  young  women  on  rising  from  her  prayers.  She 
was  told  he  was  the  bishop  that  was  smnmoned  before  a 
commission  in  the  House  of  Parliament  in  London,  pre- 
sided over  by  Lord  John  Russell — to  find  out  how  far  the 
allegiance  of  the  Irish  Catholics  was  extended  to  the  Pope 
— as  there  was  a  bill  before  the  House  to  have  the  Govern- 
ment pay  the  Irish  bishops  and  priests  a  yearly  salary 
and  thereby  have  them  under  its  control,  and  he  gave 
all  the  opposition  in  his  power  to  the  bill. 

He  was  asked  if  the  bill  passed  and  the  Pope  should 
command  him  to  accept  its  terms,  what  would  he  do? 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         55 

He  answered  :     ''I  will  remonstrate." 

''And  if  the  Pope  would  still  insist,  what  then?" 

"I  would  remonstrate  again." 

"But  if  the  Pope  determined  that  you  should  obey 
the  command,  what  would  you  then?" 

''I  would  take  off  mitre  and  stole  and  with  the  croz- 
ier,  hand  them  back  to  him,  and  tell  him  that  no  blood- 
stained money  will  ever  pollute  my  hands." 

After  the  banquet  we  parted,  hoping  to  meet  soon 
again,  each  returning  to  his  home.  If  Patrick  Mans- 
field Delany  was  aware  of  the  high  estimation  in  which 
he  was  held  by  his  countrymen  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  appreciated  his  sacrifice  in  prison,  he  must 
have  been  a  proud  man. 

About  this  time  I  secured  the  position  of  foreman 
with  the  firm  of  Ammermann  &  Reid,  merchant  tailors, 
Suffolk  street,  where  I  remained  until  the  dissolution 
of  the  firm,  and  then  went  with  Mr.  Ammermann,  who 
had  suffered  financially  in  the  deal  that  took  place.  I 
was  now  independent  to  a  great  extent,  but  it  took  me 
some  time  to  pay  the  many  debts  I  had  incurred  while 
leading  a  wandering  life. 

During  this  time,  the  latter  part  of  '59,  our  work  was 
progressing  slowly.  Langan's  was  still  our  head- 
quarters. James  Cantwell  came  back  to  Ireland  about 
this  time,  his  first  appearance  since  he  was  obliged  to 
leave  in  '48.  He  had  lived  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  an 
active  member  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood.  In  Dublin 
he  renewed  his  love  for  his  old  sweetheart,  who  had 
married  in  his  absence,  but  had  buried  her  husband 
some  time  before.  He  married  her  and  became  pro- 
prietor of  the  Star  and  Garter  Hotel,  Westmoreland 
street,  of  which  she  was  sole  mistress. 

Cantwell  and  Stephens  did  not  agree  very  well,  so  he 
fell  away  from  our  organization  and  joined  the  Young 
Ireland  Party.  He  was  always,  to  my  mind,  a  good, 
sterling  man.  He  was  one  of  my  bondsmen  when  I  was 
admitted  to  bail,  Michael  Hogan,  of  Baggot  Street  Bridge, 
being  the  other. 

P.  J.  Smyth,  the  48  leader,  was  a  great  friend  of  Cant- 
well's,  and  I  often  met  him  at  the  Star  and  Garter.     He 


56  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OE  THE 

allied  himself  with  the  SuUivans  (i),  who  were  still  doing 
all  in  their  power  to  disrupt  the  I.  R.  B.  Smyth  was  a 
counsellor  at  law.  He  called  on  my  wife  after  my  arrest 
and  offered  his  services  to  straighten  up  my  business  and 
attend  to  my  legal  requirements,  but  Stephens  would  not 
hear  of  his  being  retained. 

The  St.  Patrick's  Brotherhood  came  into  existence  at 
this  time.  Its  organization  was  first  publicly  announced  at 
a  Patrick's  Day  banquet  held  on  Monday,  March  i8, 
1 86 1,  Mr.  Thomas  Neilson  Underwood  in  the  chair. 
After  the  viands  and  other  good  things  had  been  freely  par- 
taken of,  Mr.  Underwood  rose  and  started  the  oratory  of 
the  evening.  At  the  close  of  his  speech  he  pulled  a  paper 
out  of  his  pocket  and  read  to  the  assembly  the  programme 
and  constitution  of  a  new  National  organization  which 
would  be  carried  on  within  legal  and  constitutional  lines. 
He  put  it  for  adoption  on  the  spot  by  a  show  of  hands. 
No  time  was  given  to  discuss  the  new  idea,  to  suggest 
amendments  or  anything  of  that  sort.* 

His  friends  and  men  who  had  been  informed  in  advance, 
located  in  different  parts  of  the  room,  led  off  the  applause 
'which  greeted  his  announcement  and  the  resolutions  were 
declared  carried. 

Whatever  object  they  had  in  the  ^^roject  w^as  not  ap- 
parent on  the  surface,  but  it  served  us  as  a  recruiting 
ground,  and  as  it  was  an  open  institution  to  everyone  who 
wished  to  join,  we  all  became  members  and  maintained  a 
controlling  influence  in  order  to  prevent  an3^thing  detri- 
mental to  us  being  brought  forward. 

We  were  now  working  among  the  commercial  young 
men  of  all  the  big  drygoods  houses,  Cannock  &  White, 
McSweeny  &  Delany,  and  others.  James  O'Callaghan, 

(1)  A.  M.  and  T.  D.  Sullivan,  brothers,  were  then  editors  and 
proprietors  of  the  Dublin  Nation.  They  believed  in  parliamen- 
tary agitation  and  fought  bitterly  the  formation  of  the  I.  R.  B. 
Their  bitterness  was  returned  with  interest,  and  the  Sullivans 
got  worsted  in  the  conflict  which  ensued.  They  afterwards 
became  members  of  Parliament  and  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  Parnell  movement.  A.  M.  Sullivan  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
and  practiced  in  London,  where  he  died.  T.  D.  Sullivan  is  the 
author  of  the  National  Anthem,  "God  Save  Ireland,"  and  a 
poet  of  distinction,  and  is  still  living. 
*  See  Appendix  IV,  Page  lf54. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY   BROTHERHOOD. 


57 


a  young  County  Cork  man,  Maurice  O'Donohue  and 
Frank  Dunne,  all  did  fine  work  and  soon  had  their 
quotas  filled  up.  The  last  mentioned  was  a  valuable 
aid,  as  he  was  liked  by  all  his  acquaintances.  When- 
ever we  had  anything  of  importance  to  do,  we  would 
call  an  informal  meeting  and  discuss  it. 


EDWARD  DUFFY. 

(From  An  Old  Daguerotype.) 


It  was  at  one  of  these  meetings  I  first  met  Edward 
Dufify.  I  happened  to  occupy  the  chair.  James 
O'Callaghan  at  this  time  was  a  good  talker ;  in  fact,  had 
an  aptitude  for  such  an  accomplishment,  if  I  may  use 
that  term.  In  holding  forth,  he  forgot  himself,  and 
said  something  which  was  very  uncomplimentary  to 
Connaught. 

I  called  him  to  order  and  told  him  he  couldn't  mean 
what  he  said ;  that  if  we  wanted  a  pure  and  unadulter- 
ated Celt  we  would  have  to  go  to  that  province  to  find 


58  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

him.  He  made  the  necessary  acknowledgement  of  his 
love  for  good  men  wherever  they  came  from,  and  so 
qualified  his  remarks  that  they  were  acceptable  to  all. 

When  the  meeting  adjourned,  Edward  Dufify  called 
me  aside,  and  said  that  he  was  willing  to  join  us  and 
would  devote  his  life  to  the  cause,  and  he  kept  his 
promise.  After  that  night  he  and  I  were  the  staunch- 
est  friends.  After  an  interview  with  the  "Captain,"  he 
gave  his  whole  being  to  the  movement,  and  was  the 
medium  through  which  Connaught  was  organized. 

About  this  time  I  started  in  business  on  my  own  ac- 
count in  South  Ann  street,  aided  by  a  friend  who  was 
totally  outside  the  organization.  I  had  for  my  clients 
some  of  Her  Majesty's  most  devoted  servants.  My 
connection  with  that  most  conservative  house,  Ammer- 
mann  &  Reids,  served  to  throw  suspicion  entirely  away 
from  me.  I  got  married  about  this  time,  and  Dufify, 
who  made  my  place  a  second  home,  was  happy,  as  he 
knew  all  the  disadvantages  of  a  life  of  change.  Steph- 
ens considered  it  a  safe  place  to  meet  any  particular 
person,  and  availed  himself  of  it  on  all  occasions. 

Kingstown  being  in  the  near  vicinity  of  Dublin,  was 
practically  considered  a  suburb  and  was  thoroughly  or- 
ganized, mainly  through  the  efforts  of  John  Hickey  and 
his  three  brothers.  They  were  engaged  in  the  building 
trade  and  were  all  good,  true,  patriotic  men.  John  was 
the  head  of  the  family  and  a  host  in  himself.  He  was 
very  widely  acquainted  with  men  of  his  craft  in  Dublin, 
and  was  the  means  of  bringing  a  great  number  of  the  best 
class  of  young  men  into  our  organization. 

Hugh  Brophy  was  another  prosperous  young  man  in 
the  same  line  of  business.  He  was  a  large  employer 
wielding  considerable  influence  among  men  engaged  in 
the  buildins:  trades.  Denis  Cromien,  a  foreman  and  as- 
sistant architect,  was  also  influential  among  his  fellow 
workers.  All  were  exceptionally  good  men,  working 
night  and  day  for  their  country's  cause,  never  tiring,  never 
sparing  their  time  or  means  when  called  on.  The  work 
went  on  gloriously  and  although  the  greatest  care  was 
exercised  in  making  selections,  membership  increased 
rapidly   and   soon   general   confidence   in  the   Movement 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD. 


59 


began  to  assert  itself.  Thus  matters  went  on  until  the 
close  of  1859.  every  effort  being  made  to  extend  and 
solidify  the  organization,  while  frequent  communication 
was  held  with  America  where  a  serious  split  had  taken 
place  in  the  organization. 


HUGH  F.  BROPHY. 


6o  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

In  the  early  part  of  i860,  John  O'Mahony  arrived  from 
New  York  and  stopped  with  his  friend  James  Cantwell  at 
the  Star  and  Garter.  His  coming  had  been  announced  in 
advance,  and  he  met  the  captain  (James  Stephens)  by  ap- 
pointment at  Langan's.  That  meeting  of  the  leaders  is 
historic,  and  I  was  present  and  shall  never  forget  it.  I 
was  requested  to  escort  O'Mahony  to  Langan's,  as  he  did 
not  know  the  way,  neither  was  he  prepared  for  the  recep- 
tion which  he  received  from  Stephens  when  he  got  there. 

Stephens,  after  the  formal  greetings  were  over,  asked  a 
number  of  questions ;  wanted  to  know  why  the  organiza- 
tion in  America  had  not  been  kept  together,  a  unit;  he 
wanted  to  know  why  O'Mahony  and  his  colleagues  had 
not  kept  their  promise  to  the  men  in  Ireland  and  had  not 
furnished  the  funds  necessary  to  defray  the  cost  of  spread- 
ing the  organization,  etc.  To  all  of  those  questions 
O'Mahony  failed  to  give  satisfactory  answers,  whereupon 
Stephens  reproached  him  in  words  of  the  most  cutting 
sarcasm,  telling  him  of  his  shortcomings,  feebleness  and 
insincerity  and  wound  up  by  reminding  him  how  he, 
Stephens,  had  dragged  him  out  of  obscurity  and  put  him 
in  a  position  he  never  dreamed  of. 

O'Mahony  did  not  answer  this  terrible  arraignment 
and  remained  sitting  while  Stephens  paced,  restlessly,  up 
and  down  the  floor. 

Langan  and  I  were  the  only  witnesses  present  at  this 
terrible  scene,  and  it  impressed  us  very  much  indeed. 
O'Mahony's  conduct  toward  the  organization  some  time 
before  this  was  really  undefensible,  and  it  was  plain  to 
see  he  felt  deeply  humiliated.  The  interview  terminated 
there  and  I  accompanied  him  back  to  his  hotel.  On  our 
way  back  to  the  Star  and  Garter  he  sought  my  sympathy 
and  asked  me  if  I  would  stay  by  him. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         6i 


COLONEL  JOHN  O  MAHONEY 
President  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood 


62  A   PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

"No,"  said  I,  "the  man  who  serves  Ireland  best  will  be 
the  one  I  will  stay  by.  I  am  no  partisan  and  these  per- 
sonal jealousies  and  quarrels  must  cease.  Confidence 
must  be  restored  or  the  conflicting  elements  must  resign 
and  withdraw  from  the  movement."  I  left  him  at  the 
hotel  anything  but  a  happy  man. 

He  and  Stephens  met  again  next  day  and  evidently 
came  to  some  kind  of  understanding.  No  one  was  pres- 
ent at  the  meeting  but  themselves.  I  do  not  know  how 
they  fixed  up  the  matter  or  on  what  basis  the  agreement 
was  arranged,  but  I  felt  such  serious  breaches  as  I  had 
witnessed  are  seldom  or  never  made  up,  and,  unfortu- 
nately for  Ireland,  that  breach  was  never  wholly  made  up 
Shortly  after  this  O'Mahony  went  to  Tipperary  and 
from  there  returned  to  New  York. 

Stephens  and  Luby  went  South  on  a  business  mission 
after  he  had  left,  and  remained  away  some  time.  This 
was  the  most  successful  trip  they  ever  made.  It  was  on 
this  trip  they  met  Considine,  of  Clare,  known  for  his  ex- 
ertions in  the  O'Connell  movement.  All  his  patriotism  and 
influence  in  the  country  was  fully  utilized  in  this  undertak- 
ing in  1861.  During  their  absence  Arthur  O'Leary  called 
on  me  on  his  way  to  Tipperary.  It  was  one  of  the  Orange 
festival  days,  I  think,  the  12th  of  July.  He  and  I  were 
standing  in  the  Glendenning  Hotel,  Wicklow  street,  on 
our  way  out  after  taking  lunch.  An  Orangeman  with 
the  regalia  of  his  order  pinned  on  his  breast,  pretty  well 
under  the  influence,  came  in.  A  young  man  who  after- 
ward turned  out  to  be  R ,  came  up  to  him  and  kept 

looking  at  the  badge,  and  after  making  some  inquiries, 
told  him  such  ornaments  might  do  very  well  in  the  North, 
but  in  Dublin  they  were  insulting  to  most  of  its  citizens. 
He  tore  off  the  insignia  and  threw  it  out  of  the  door. 

A  scuffle  ensued,  R had  some  friends  with  him  and 

Arthur  interfered,  not  knowing  the  cause  of  the  quarrel. 
The   Orangeman   pulled    off   his   watch   and   fired  it   at 

R 's  head,  but  missed  and  struck  the  wall  close  to  the 

mirror  and  it  fell  in  pieces  on  the  floor.     Arthur  thought 

R was  imposing  on  the  Orangeman  and  wanted  fair 

play.  A  few  passes  were  exchanged  between  Arthur  and 
R .     I  got  between  them  and  an  understanding  took 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         63 

place,  when  the  Orangeman  was  put  out.  All  who  re- 
mained became  friends.  This  was  Arthur's  first  experi- 
ence after  arriving  from  peaceful  Paris.  He  left  for  home 
next  day,  and  I  never  saw  him  again,  as  he  died  a  short 
time  after,  regretted  by  all  who  knew  him.  He  was  the 
soul  of  honor^  generous,  frank  and  true.  We  lost  a  most 
devoted  and  sincere  brother  in  him.  His  early  death  was 
a  great  blow  to  his  brother  John. 

Edward  Ryan,  College  street,  Dublin,  was  a  prominent 
member  of  the  St.  Patrick's  Brotherhood,  so  was  Denis 
Dowling,  also  Geo.  Hopper.  Charley  and  John  Hopper, 
the  latter's  brothers,  were  also  members  of  it,  and  be- 
longed to  the  I.  R.  B.  It  was  about  this  time  I  first  met 
Hugh  Brophy.  He  played  a  most  important  part  in  the 
movement  up  to  the  time  of  his  arrest. 

Edward  O'Donovan  (afterward  the  famous  war  cor- 
respondent), his  brothers  John  and  Willie,  Nicholas 
Walsh,  artist;  Henry  Crowley,  also  an  artist,  both  mem- 
bers of  the  Art  Institute,  Wm.  Horan  and  Martin — a  civil 
engineer,  joined  the  organization  about  this  time  and 
formed  a  class  or  an  athletic  club,  whose  meetings  were 
held  in  Great  Britain  street.  J.  J.  Kelly  was  also  a  mem- 
ber of  this  club.  We  kept  it  running  for  some  time  until 
suspicion  rested  on  it  and  then  we  retired  temporarily. 


64 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  IX. 

It  was  about  this  time  we  first  heard  of  the  Intention 
of  the  men  in  California  to  send  the  remains  of  Terence 
Bellew  McManus  to  Ireland  for  interment.*  Stephens 
did  not  appear  to  like  It,  as  it  was  mooted  around  that  it 
would  be  made  the  occasion  for  an  uprising  when  the  re- 


TERENCE  BELLEW  McMANUS. 


mains  would  arrive  in  Dublin.  However,  after  all  the 
large  cities  In  America  had  taken  it  up  and  finally  de- 
cided in  carrying  it  out,  he  had  no  other  course  open  but 
to  acquiesce  and  see  what  we  could  do  in  Ireland.  Plans 
were  made  and  committees  formed,  to  take  charge  of  the 

*  See  Appendix  VI,  Pages  167-179. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         65 

undertaking  and  to  receive  the  accompanying  delegates 
when  they  arrived.  Our  committee  was  formed  of  the 
best  men  we  had  available,  and  the  result  will  tell  how 
they  did  their  work. 

The  St.  Patrick's  Brotherhood  rooms  were  secured  for 
the  occasion.  The  Pope's  Brigade  was  after  being  dis- 
banded, and  we  had  some  members  of  that  body  in  our  or- 
ganization. Among  them  was  Red  Jim  McDermott,  who 
made  himself  very  conspicuous,  and  was,  in  fact,  one  of 
the  most  prominent  of  the  military  staff.  The  remains 
left  San  Francisco  Aug.  21,  and  New  York  in  November, 
186 1.  Nothing  happened  to  mar  the  proceedings  until 
the  week  before  the  arrival  of  the  remains.  Then  the 
Young  Ireland  party  thought  they  would  take  a  hand  in, 
although  none  of  them  up  to  this  had  desired  to  be  on  the 
committee.  They  now  determined  to  make  a  stand;  in 
fact,  they  aimed  to  take  charge  of  the  funeral. 

Everything  was  working  in  harmony  with  us.  We  had 
control  of  the  committee,  delegates  were  appointed  to  go 
to  Cork  to  receive  the  remains  from  the  Cork  men,  when 
they  had  duly  honored  it.  The  delegates  were  Hugh  Bro- 
phy,  Andrew  Nolan,  Edward  Ryan  and  myself,  Joseph 
Deneiffe.  The  delegates  found  everything  in  the  best 
form  when  they  arrived  in  Cork — all  under  discipline, 
every  man  at  his  post;  in  fact,  the  arrangements  were  so 
complete  that  they  surpassed  anything  they  had  seen  be- 
fore. 

When  the  procession  began  to  move  the  enthusiasm  was 
immense,  swelling  at  every  step,  and  awfully  profound, 
which  could  be  seen  in  the  eyes  of  every  one  you  met. 
The  women,  as  usual,  outdid  the  men.  They  could  not 
control  their  feelings,  and  consequently,  were  more  osten- 
tatious in  displaying  what  was  in  them.  God  bless  them. 
Marching  along  the  quays  the  sight  was  very  imposing. 
Among  the  shipping  was  one  vessel  with  the  Union  Jack 
floating,  the  only  one  in  sight ;  presently  could  be  seen  a 
boy  climbing  up  the  rigging  and  in  a  moment  he  had 
hauled  it  down.  The  grim  silence  that  pervaded  the  mul- 
titude up  to  this  moment  was  broken  with  a  tremendous 
cheer  all  along  the  line. 

After  all  had  done  their  duty  on  that  memorable  day, 


65  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

the  remains  were  put  on  the  train  that  waited  at  the  depot, 
and  after  the  Cork  men  had  given  it  in  charge  to  the  Dub- 
Hn  committee,  we  departed  among  the  cheers  and  prayers 
of  the  truly  faithful  people. 

There  was  nothing  occurred  along  the  line  of  railroad 
of  any  moment  until  we  reached  Tipperary  Junction, 
w^here  a  solemn  scene  presented  itself.  A  great  many 
were  kneeling  wath  their  heads  uncovered.  They  re- 
mained in  silence  until  the  train  was  about  to  move,  when 
they  all  arose  to  their  feet  and  waved  a  farewell. 

On  the  arrival  at  Kingsbridge  Station,  a  great  assem- 
blage was  waiting,  and  an  escort  from  the  St.  Patrick's 
Brotherhood  took  the  remains  to  the  Mechanic's  Institute, 
as  there  was  no  church  in  the  city  that  would  give  it 
shelter  for  the  night.  Cardinal  Cullen's  orders  to  that 
effect  were  carried  out  to  the  letter.  In  vain  we  looked 
around  for  the  Saggarth  Aroon^  but  he  was  nowhere  to 
be  seen,  (i) 

(1)  It  is  now  a  recognized  historical  fact  that  during  the  years 
of  the  Fenian  movement  England  came  nearer  to  lessening  the 
influence  of  Rome  in  Ireland  than  during  any  other  period  of 
our  history  since  the  Norman  Pope  Adrian  sat  in  the  chair  of  St. 
Peter  and  issued  a  Bull  authorizing  the  English  to  conquer 
Ireland. 

Once  the  attention  of  the  British  Government  was  attracted 
to  the  movement,  it  did  not  take  long  to  discover  that  it  was 
widespread  and  numerically  very  strong.  Its  members  were 
almost  entirely  of  the  intelligent,  law-abiding  class  and  corre- 
spondingly difficult  to  coerce.  While  proceeding  against  indi- 
viduals, through  their  legal  machinery,  with  the  aid  of  inform- 
ers, false  witnesses,  packed  juries,  etc.,  they  brought  all  pos- 
sible political  influence  to  bear  on  Rome,  with  the  result  that 
the  Vatican  instructed  the  bishops  in  Ireland  and  the  United 
States  to  discourage  and  denounce  the  Fenian  movement,  and 
incidentally,  in  order  to  be  consistent,  all  other  secret  societies 
—social,  political,  or  otherwise.  Soon  after  Fenianism  was 
being  publicly  and  vigorously  denounced  from  nearly  every 
altar  in  Ireland  and  the  United  States,  and  its  members  in- 
formed they  would  be  refused  the  sacrament  of  the  Church  and 
the  rights  of  Christian  burial  unless  they  renounced  and  aban- 
doned the  organization. 

Bishops  Moriarity,  of  Kerry,  and  Duggan,  of  Chicago,  in  their 
denunciations  of  the  Fenians,  were  the  two  most  conspicuous 
representatives  of  England  in  the  English-speaking  church. 

Bishop  Moriarity's  notorious  anathema,  closing  with  the  sen- 
tence, "Hell  is  not  hot  enough  nor  eternity  long  enough  to  pun- 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         67 

The  American  delegates  were  taken  to  the  Shelboiirne 
Hotel,  where  Miss  McManus,  sister  of  the  deceased,  was 
waiting  to  receive  them  and  offer  her  thanks  to  them  and 
their  American  brothers  for  the  great  interest  taken  in  her 
brother. 

Soon  she  was  approached  by  the  Young  Ireland  men, 
who  considered  themselves  the  only  ones  entitled  to  the 
honor  of  laying  him  in  his  grave,  and  did  all  in  their 
power  to  get  her  to  consent  to  that  new,  but  unreasonable 
demand.  After  hearing  them,  she  promptly  told  them 
that  the  men  that  disinterred  her  brother  in  San  Fran- 
cisco and  brought  the  remains  such  a  great  distance  with 
much  labor  and  expense,  were  the  only  ones  entitled  to 
the  honor  of  the  patriotic  undertaking.  This  rebuff  did 
not  deter  the  politicians  from  pushing  their  claims  further. 

The  last  night  he  was  to  remain  above  the  earth  was 
the  most  eventful  of  any  since  he  was  taken  out  of  his 
grave  in  San  Francisco.  The  coffin  was  placed  on  a 
catafalque  in  the  center  of  the  hall  in  the  Institute,,  and 
the  solemnities  witnessed  by  an  eager  crowd,  the  American 
delegates  standing  around  the  bier  with  Miss  McManus 
close  by  it  during  the  ceremony.  The  sight  was  most 
imposing.     Alany  comments  were  made  on  the  course  the 


ish  the  miscreants  (the  Fenians),"  will  sufficiently  explain  to 
the  present  generation  what  Irish  patriots  had  to  contend  with 
and  endure  in  Ireland  and  in  the  United  States  in  those  days. 

Writing  on  this  subject  in  the  Irish  World  of  Jan.  6,  1905,  Mr. 
Michael  Scanlan,  an  old-time  Chicago  Fenian,  says: 

"Bishop  Moriarity  represented,  more  or  less,  every  bishop  in 
Ireland,  save  the  'Lion  of  the  fold  of  Judah,'  the  great  Mac- 
Hale,  who,  when  I  sent  him  something  over  $300  from  the 
Fenians  of  Chicago  to  help  his  starving  people — money  which 
Bishop  Duggan  refused  to  transmit,  even  to  save  a  Catholic 
people,  because  it  was  Fenian  money — sent  his  blessing  to  our 
'great  organization'  for  its  timely  succor.  I  cannot  call  to  mind 
a  single  bishop  in  the  United  States  who  did  not  re-echo  Bishop 
Duggan's  denunciations.  In  fact,  with  some  rare  exceptions^ 
and  these  exceptions  were  mum — the  entire  Irish  hierarchy  and 
priesthood  in  the  United  States  and  in  Ireland  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  Chicago  and  Kerry. 

"In  Chicago,  where  I  then  lived,  there  was  one  glorious  ex- 
ception, the  Jesuit  Church,  presided  over  by  a  noble  Belgian, 
Father  Damien,  who  welcomed  us  all  to  the  rights  of  the 
Church,  for  which,  as  he  said  'our  fathers  had -suffered  so  much,' 


68  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

clergy  took  on  this  occasion,  Father  Lavelle  was  the  only 
priest  present,  and  he  appeared  to  be  as  much  confounded 
as  others  at  this  state  of  affairs,  for  all  saw  plainly  nothing 
good  could  come  out  of  so  cold  and  heartless  a  proceedure 
on  the  part  of  those  who  professed  to  be  on  the  side  of  the 
disconsolate.  It  would  take  a  great  many  sermons  to  re- 
store the  reverence  and  respect  lost  to  the  dignitaries  who 
failed  in  their  duty  on  that  occasion. 

Stephens  and  Luby  kept  away  all  this  time,  but  on  hear- 
ing there  was  a  surprise  to  be  sprung  that  evening  on  the 
committee,  Luby  was  on  hand  and  became  a  member  of 
it,  as  did  also  all  of  the  American  delegation.  After  wait- 
ing some  time  in  expectation,  a  knock  was  heard  on  the 
door,  and  the  usual  response  "Come  in"  was  give_n. 
Father  John  Kenyon,  ''The  O'Donohoe,"  John  Martin  and 
James  Cantwell  entered.  After  stating  the  purpose  which 
brought  them  there,  the  committee,  not  being  formally  or- 
ganized, some  one  proposed  "The  O'Donohoe"  for  chair- 
man. I  think  it  was  Father  Kenyon.  James  O'Callaghan 
proposed  Maurice  O'Donohue,  who  was  elected  by  a  large 
majority. 


and  out  of  which  British  clerical  agents  were  seeking  to  drive 
us,  as  we  had  been  driven  from  homes  and  country. 

"I  need  scarcely  say  that  the  power  of  England  is  great,  even 
in  Rome,  nor  that  that  power,  through  all  its  insidious  rami- 
fications, is  ever  at  work  to  get  between  Ireland  and  Rome, 
hoping  by  some  interposition  to  break  down  the  political  faith 
of  Ireland,  for  she  knows  by  this  time  that  she  cannot  weaken 
or  change  the  spiritual  faith  of  the  Irish  people. 

"With  the  very  happy  results  flowing  from  a  united  priesthood 
and  people,  and  the  very  evil  results  which  flowed  from  the 
union  of  England  and  the  so-called  Irish  priesthood — the  latter 
the  sleuths  of  the  former,  as  they  ever  must  be  when  they  owe 
their  existence  and  advancement  to  her — if  ever  again  the  priest 
and  people  of  Ireland  permit  the  'Devil's  Advocate,'  England,  to 
represent  them  at  the  Court  of  Rome,  they  will  deserve,  with- 
out pity  and  with  the  contempt  of  all  freemen,  to  become  the 
tools  of  England  for  ever." 

This  political,  but  unpatriotic  attitude  of  the  bishops,  explains 
why  the  remains  of  Terence  Bellew  McManus,  when  brought 
from  America  to  Ireland  for  interment  in  Glasnevin,  were  not 
permitted  to  rest  over  night  in  any  Catholic  Church  in  Dublin. 
They  were  taken  to  the  Mechanics'  Institute,  where  they  laid 
in  state  under  a  special  guard. 


IRISH   REVOLUTIONARY   BROTHERHOOD.         69 

Father  Kenyon  asked  ''Who  is  this  Maurice  O'Dono- 
hue?"  He  was  duly  informed,  and  Maurice  took  the 
chair.  Then  commenced  the  memorable  debate,  they 
claiming  the  right  of  taking  possession  of  the  remains  and 
performing  the  obsequies.  This  was  objected  to  by  our 
side.  In  opposing  it,  Luby  stood  up,  radiant  with  noble 
impulse,  and  took  them  to  task  for  their  conduct  and  de- 
nounced their  motives  for  such  actions.  They  stood  like 
statues,  while  he  launched  his  invectives  and  condemna- 
tion on  their  heads.  It  was  a  complete  refutation  of  all 
their  pretensions  and  worthier  of  a  nobler  occasion.  Luby 
was  grand  in  his  denunciation,  his  little  frame  swung 
gracefully  to  his  utterance,  he  spoke  energetically  and  ani- 
mated with  fervor.  All  stood  spellbound  during  his 
speech.  It  was  Luby's  best  effort  and  worthy  of  a  better 
cause. 

"The  O'Donohoe"  manfully  asked  to  be  forgiven  for 
the  part  he  had  taken.  He  said  he  had  been  misinformed 
and  was  now  convinced  that  the  remains  were  in  safe 
keeping,  and  the  people  in  charge  fully  competent  to  dis- 
charge the  duty  with  honor.  They  all  left  except  Father 
Kenyon,  who  put  his  back  against  the  door  and  talking 
very  excitedly  and  incoherently  said  we  would  not  have 
the  body  in  the  morning.  James  O'Callaghan  told  him 
the  days  of  miracles  were  passed,  and  if  the  remains 
should  be  taken  away,  it  would  be  over  the  dead  bodies  of 
those  who  were  prepared  to  guard  it.  After  a  little  while 
he  followed  his  companions. 

Captain  Smith,  chairman  of  the  American  delegation, 
commended  Luby  and  the  committee  for  the  able  and 
manly  manner  in  which  they  had  defeated  these  disap- 
pointed men. 

Colonel  Kavanagh,  of  the  San  Francisco  delegation,  fol- 
lowed him.  He  said  if  he  ever  had  any  doubt  of  Irishmen 
being  able  to  take  care  of  their  native  land,  that  doubt 
was  dispelled  forever.  What  he  had  seen  that  evening  as- 
sured him  we  were  competent  to  accomplish  the  end  we 
had  in  view.  Oh,  what  a  glorious  evening  that  was; 
what  a  victory  for  the  despised  and  lowly  people ! 

No  further  trouble  presented  itself.  All  flocked  next 
day  to  honor  the  dead.     There  were  guards  appointed  to 


70  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OE  THE 

watch  all  night,  and,  let  it  be  noted  Red  Jim  McDermott, 
Knight  of  St.  Sylvester,  late  of  the  Pope's  Brigade,  was 
captain  of  the  watch  ! 

The  night  passed  off  quietly  up  to  nine  o'clock  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  November  loth;  every  minute  after  that 
time  brought  fresh  delegations,  and  about  lo  o'clock  there 
was  a  goodly  number  present,  which  kept  swelling  by  ac- 
cessions from  all  quarters.  At  the  time  of  starting  all  were 
drawn  up  in  military  array,  John  Clohissy  in  command 
and  John  Healy  chief  aid.  Platoons  were  formed  as  wide 
as  the  streets  would  permit.  The  cortege  at  last  began  to 
move,  and  was  augmented  at  every  street  corner  until  it 
became  about  seven  miles  in  length.  The  sidewalks  were 
jammed  and  the  windows  all  along  the  route  were  occu- 
pied.    iMourning  was  displayed  in  many  places. 

The  point  that  commanded  the  fullest  view  was  at 
Kingsbridge  Station,  as  the  full  length  of  the  Quays  were 
in  view  before  turning  into  Thomas  street. 

Arriving  here  and  passing  the  spot  where  Robert  Em- 
met was  murdered,  the  sight  was  very  imposing  and  im- 
pressive— sadly  so.  All  was  as  silent  as  the  grave  he 
sleeps  in.  As  a  mark  of  respect  all  heads  were  uncovered 
while  passing  that  consecrated  spot. 

Standing  on  the  corner  of  Parliament  street  and  Cork 
Hill,  a  spectator  remarked  at  this  point  that  the  military 
precision  and  deportment  of  the  men  in  line  was  most  pro- 
nounced;  turning  round  the  angle  at  the  Castle  Gate,  it 
was  noticed  the  movement  was  as  perfect  as  any  of  Her 
Majesty's  regulars  could  execute.  This  was  taken  notice 
of  by  the  authorities,  and  gave  them  to  understand  that 
such  marching  could  not  be  accomplished  without  con- 
siderable practice. 

It  was  night  when  the  hearse  entered  Glasnevin  Ceme- 
tery. The  day  was  a  trying  one  on  all  who  participated, 
but  none  gave  way  under  the  rain  and  slush.  At  the  grave 
torches  were  used,  which  added  to  the  solemnity  of  the 
scene. 

Father  Lavelle  performed  the  religious  rites  of  the 
church,  and  made  a  few  remarks  appropriate  to  the  occa- 
sion. Captain  Smith,  the  orator  of  the  day,  delivered  an 
effective  and  impressive  oration.     Thus  ended  a  most  au- 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         71 

spicious  day  seldom,  if  ever,  equalled  for  solemnity  and 
devotion. 

At  the  close  of  the  funeral  obsequies  Stephens  was  the 
most  jubilant  man  in  the  city.  This  great,  patriotic  de- 
monstration was  admittedly  an  emphatic  ratification  of  the 
work  done  by  the  organization  and  a  proof  of  its  strength 
and  vigor.  It  had  alarmed  and  confounded  its  opponents. 
It  showed  what  men  could  do'  when  determined  and 
united,  clinging  together,  respecting  each  other,  all  having 
but  one  object  in  view  and  with  all  abominable  prejudices 
swept  away.  The  odious  slang  "Fardown,"  "Corkonian," 
''Connaughtman"  and  "Leinsterman"  were  heard  no  more 
as  reproaches — all  were  simply  Irishmen  and  brothers. 
Surely  that  ought  to  be  commended,  as  a  fact  accom- 
plished which  the  united  efforts  of  all  gone  before,  both 
lay  and  clerical,  had  failed  to  do.  The  American  delegates 
were  astonished  on  beholding  the  change  which  had  taken 
place  within  the  last  decade  in  Ireland.  After  a  short  stay 
m  the  metropolis,  they  left  for  the  provinces,  and,  with 
one  or  two  exceptions,  soon  after  returned  to  America.  The 
demonstration  proclaimed  the  I.  R.  B.  supreme  over  all  the 
land.  The  SuUivans,  the  Grays  and  the  prelatists  were 
hors-de-combat.  The  people  at  last  had  arisen  to  the  oc- 
casion and  saved  the  honor  of  the  country. 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER   X. 

On  the  9th  of  November,  1861,  Captain  Wilkes  in 
command  of  the  San  Jacinto,  a  Federal  War  steamer 
intercepted  the  English  mail  steamer  Trent  on  the 
high  seas,  and  sent  Lieutenant  Fairfax  on  board  with 
an  armed  guard  which  seized  and  removed  Messrs. 
Siidell  and  Mason,  two  Confederate  envoys  on  their 
way  to  Europe,  also  their  secretaries.  They  were 
taken  on  board  the  San  Jacinto  and  conveyed  to  Bos- 
ton where  they  were  imprisoned. 

This  arrest,  on  the  deck  of  a  British  steamer  on  the 
high  seas,  caused  a  great  commotion  in  England,  and 
for  weeks  the  newspapers  were  filled  with  fierce  de- 
nunciations of  the  "outrage"  as  they  called  it.  Lord 
Palmerston  introduced  a  bill  in  Parliament 'giving  bel- 
ligerent rights  to  the  Confederates,  and  an  immediate 
demand  was  made  on  the  United  States  Government 
for  the  surrender  of  the  Confederate  envoys. 

The  excitement  extended  to  Ireland,  and  as  a  result 
placards  were  posted  all  over  Dublin  and  vicinity  an- 
nouncing a  public  meeting  at  the  Rotunda  where  lead- 
ing men  from  all  parts  of  Ireland  would  express  their 
sympathy  with  the  Federals.  It  was  rumored  and  in- 
timated that  a  new  organization  would  result  from 
this  meeting,  one  that  would  embrace  all  shades  of 
Irish  politics  and  extend  a  welcome  hand  and  offer  an 
open  door  to  all. 

This  rumor  reached  us  and  caused  some  anxiety, 
but,  eventualiv,  we  came  to  look  upon  it  as  a  covert  attack 
on  the  I.  R.  B. 

The  St.  Patrick's  Brotherhood,  with  Thomas  Neilson 
Underwood  at  its  head,  offered  all  these  advantages  to  its 
members,  then  why  start  another  organization?  We 
looked  upon  the  scheme  as  a  challenge,  secret  or 
otherwise,  to  our  organization,  in  fact,  we  considered 


the  challenge  obvious,  and  decided  to  meet  it  As  a 
result  of  our  conferences  we  appointed  a  working  com- 
mittee, of  which  Thomas  Clarke  Luby  was  a  very  ac- 
tive member,  to  quietly  take  charge  and  control  the 
meeting. 

The  evening  of  the  5th  of  December,  1861,  arrived, 
and  the  doors  of  the  Rotunda  were  thrown  open  in  due 
time.  There  was  a  large  number  of  persons  waiting 
for  admission  and  the  hall  filled  rapidly.  There  were 
about  seven  or  eight  hundred  of  our  men  on  the  floor 
and  quite  a  few  on  the  platform.  Amongst  them  was 
Jeremiah  Kavanagh,  one  of  the  California  delegates, 
who  had  remained  behind  and  was  there  under  instruc- 
tions. "The  O'Donohoe"  was  in  the  chair,  and  made 
the  opening  address  which  was  well  spoken  and  manly 
and  was  applauded  several  times.  Daniel  O'Donohoe, 
better  known  as  "The  Donohoe,"  Chieftain  of  The 
Glens,  was  a  nephew  of  Daniel  O'Connell,  and  a  man 
of  some  property.  Outside  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood 
he  was  very  popular  with  the  public.  Luby  was  sit- 
ting close  to  him,  and  when  he  resumed  his  seat  en- 
tered into  conversation  with  him. 

The  first  resolution  offered  was  one  of  sympathy 
with  the  Federals,  and  was  carried  unanimously.  This 
was  according  to  arrangement,  as  we  knew  what  was 
coming. 

The  second  resolution  was  to  the  effect  that  a  new 
patriotic  organization  be  formed  which  should  be  open 
and  above  board,  and  embrace  all  classes.  Before  a 
vote  could  be  taken  on  this,  Jeremiah  Kavanagh  of- 
fered an  amendment  to  the  effect  that  a  committee  be 
first  appointed  to  report  on  the  business  aspect  of  the 
question,  whether  the  crisis  demanded  it. 

This  amendment  was  carried  unanimously  because 
our  people  dominated  the  meeting.  P.  J.  Smyth  spoke 
to  the  resolution  in  a  very  nice  speech,  followed  by 
Thomas  Neilson  Underwood,  T.  D.  Sullivan,  and  I 
think,  Martin  A.  O'Brennan.  Each  did  his  best,and 
there  were  no  slurs  thrown  at  any  one.  T.  D.  Sulli- 
van appealed  to  the  audience  to  be  guided  by  the 
counsels  of  harmony  and  peace  invoked  by  the  mem- 


74  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

ory  of  Emmet's  bleeding  body  in  Thomas  Street,  etc. 

That  was  really  a  very  remarkable  meeting  to  say 
the  least  of  it.  The  masses  knew  nothing  of  what  was 
going  on  under  the  surface,  and  were  simply  carried 
away  by  the  enthusiasm  evoked  by  the  first  resolution 
and  the  speeches  made  in  favor  of  it.  The  whole  affair 
was  very  cleverly  handled,  and  demonstrated  clearly 
what  could  be  accomplished  by  a  well  disciplined  or- 
ganization properly  and  intelligently  directed. 

During  the  meeting  in  the  Rotunda,  Luby  found 
opportunity  to  make  an  appointment  for  "The  O'Dono- 
hoe"  to  meet  the  Captain  (Stephens).  This  meeting 
took  place  soon  after,  but  nothing  came  of  it.  He 
had  told  some  of  our  friends  that  he  would  like  to 
join  us,  but  after  his  interview  with  Stephens  he  aban- 
doned the  idea  altogether.  It  was  thought  Smith 
O'Brien  had  influenced  him  against  joining,  but,  in 
any  case,  Stephens  did  not  think  much  about  them 
and  refrained  from  making  advances.  The  O'Dono- 
hoe  soon  perceived  that  the  control  of  the  committee 
had  passed  from  him,  therefore  he  refrained  from  at- 
tending meetings  and  eventually  withdrew  from  the  or- 
ganization. Stephens  and  Luby  started  out  on  an  im- 
portant mission  in  the  southeast,  and  after  a  short  time  got 
stranded  in  Clonmel,  where  a  remittance  was  sent  which 
brought  them  back  to  Dublin. 

The  attitude  of  the  Irish  press,  with  the  exception  of 
Dennis  Holland's  'Trishman,"  was  at  this  time  most 
annoying.  For  some  unknown  reason  it  was  pro- 
nouncedly antagonistic,  and  undoubtedly  retarded  and 
delayed  our  work. 

After  the  return  of  the  American  delegates  they  at- 
tended meetings  in  various  cities  where  they  told  of 
their  experiences.  In  Philadelphia  a  monster  meeting 
was  held  at  which  Col.  Michael  Doheny  discussed  the 
Trent  affair,  and  took  occasion  to  show  up  the  ob- 
structionists at  the  McManus  funeral  and  how  the}^ 
got  their  desserts.  A  printed  report  of  the  meeting 
was  sent  us  in  pamphlet  form.  The  Dublin  papers 
also  printed  reports  of  the  affair.  The  Sullivans,  nat- 
urally, were  disappointed  at  the  failure  of  their  party 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         75 

to  control  the  McManus  funeral,  and  considered  their 
prestige  had  been  injured  and  their  pride  hurt. 
Taking  advantage  of  the  discussion  which  en- 
sued in  the  newspapers,  they  issued  a  pamphlet 
in  which  they  attacked  Luby  and  were  again 
guilty  of  "felon-setting."  "The  Irishman"  was 
the  only  paper  which  had  a  good  word  to 
say  for  us.  Dan  McCartie  published  a  letter  in  it 
addressed  to  Smith  O'Brien.  Rossa  and  Charles  Kick- 
ham  also  published  letters  reflecting  severely  on  Sulli- 
van. Kickham's  letter  was  very  severe  and  irritated  Sul- 
livan so  that  he  entered  suit  for  libel  against  Denis  Hol- 
land, publisher  of  "The  Irishmian,"  and  received  a  verdict 
awarding  him  damages.  This  was  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs in  Dublin  in  the  winter  of  '6i-'62.  Our  position  be- 
tween the  Government  on  one  side,  and  hostile  political 
opponents  on  the  other  side,  required,  patience,  fortitude 
and  perseverance  all  the  time. 


7^ 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER   XL 

About  this  time  John  Devoy   (i),  appeared  on  the 
scene  in  Athy.    He  had  served  some  short  time  in  the 


JOHN  DEVOY. 


(1)  John  Devoy  returned  to  Ireland  in  1862  from  Algeria, 
where  he  had  served  a  brief  term  in  the  French  foreign  legion. 
He  settled  in  Athy,  where  he  secured  employment  and  became 
connected  with  the  local  Circle  of  the  I.  R.  B.  He  wrote  some 
letters  to  the  "Irish  People,"  but  his  real  service  to  the  organ- 
ization began  after  the  arrests  in  1865,  when  he  succeeded 
Roantree  (who  had  succeeded  Pagan  O'Leary)  in  the  work  of 
organizing  the  British  soldiery. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         TJ 

French  Foreign  Legion,  and  had  returned  to  Kildare. 
He  and  James  J.  O'Kelly  had  joined  the  French  serv- 
ice in  order  to  become  expert  in  military  matters. 
O'Kelly,  while  in  the  French  army,  was  sent  to  Mex- 
ico at  the  time  Napoleon  tried  to  establish  Maxamil- 
lian  as  emperor  of  that  country.  Bazaine  was  then 
commander-in-chief  of  the  French  forces.  After  being 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Mexicans,  O'Kelly  made  his 
escape  at  the  risk  of  his  life  and,  after  a  perilous  jour- 
ney through  an  unknown  and  untravelled  country,  got 
into  Texas  and  afterwards  to  New  York.  Later  he 
secured  a  position  on  the  New  York  Herald.  His  ex- 
ploits in  Cuba  as  special  correspondent  for  that  paper 
were  full  of  adventure.  He  is  now  a  member  of  Parli- 
ment. 

During  the  year  1862  Stephens  remained  in  Dublin, 
receiving  visits  from  our  country  friends  and  direct- 
ing them  in  their  work.  In  this  year  we  lost  a  staunch 
and  true  friend.  Col.  Michael  Doheny.  He  was  the 
first  man  in  America  I  spoke  to  about  joining  the  Em- 
met Monument  Association.  I  had  many  opportuni- 
ties of  seeing  and  knowing  him  intimately.  While  on 
my  second  mission  to  America  I  lived  in  his  home  for 
over  a  month,  where  John  O'Mahony  visited  nightly. 
It  was  with  O'Mahony,  on  one  of  these  occasions,  I 
first  met  P.  J.  Meehan,  editor  of  the  "Irish  American." 
During  this  time  I  had  good  opportunity  of  knowing 
the  Colonel,  and  can  truthfully  say  that,  among  all  the 
men  I  have  met  before  or  since,  I  never  knew  one 
more  constant  and  true  to  Ireland.  It  was  Col.  Do- 
heny who  kept  the  fire  aglow  from  '48  until  he  saw  it 
in  full  blast  in  '61. 

It  was  at  this  time,  owing  to  P)ritish  influences  ex- 
ercised at  Rome,  that  the  altar  denunciations  com- 
menced. Our  organization  was  banned  and  its  mem- 
bers refused  the  rites  of  the  Church.  This  mingling 
of  politics  and  religion  was  intolerable  to  a  great  many 
good  Catholics,  and  I  knew  a  great  many  who  felt 
grieved  that  such  a  misunderstanding  should  exist, 
still  there  were  many  patriotic  priests  who  stood  by  us. 

The  year  1863  opened  very  gloomy.    Want  of  money 


78  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

almost  caused  suspension  of  all  work.  There  was  a 
great  strain  on  a  few  in  Dublin  at  this  particular  time. 
It  was  deemed  necessary  for  lAiby  to  go  to  New 
York  with  instructions  to  stir  up  John  O'Mahony,  and, 
if  he  found  it  necessary,  to  suspend  him  ;  Luby  was 
too  mild  a  man  for  the  mission,  and,  as  his  power  was 
discretionary,  he  did  not  utilize  it,  but  left  O'Mahony 
to  pursue  his  ambitious  policy. 

At  this  time  I  was  located  in  St.  Anne  Street  in 
business  for  myself.  Over  my  shop,  or  store  as  we 
call  it  in  America,  I  had  fitted  up  an  apartment  for 
myself — a  sort  of  bachelor's  hall.  It  was  here  Ste- 
phens kept  his  appointments  with  his  Provincial 
friends,  in  fact,  it  was  his  headquarters.  It  was  a  very 
handy  place  for  many  purposes,  and  was  a  special  ren- 
dezvous for  my  own  particular  friends:  Hugh  Brophy, 
Andrew  Nolan,  Edward  Duffy,  Wm.  Horan,  Edward 
O'Donovan  and  his  brother  John,  Henry  Crowley, 
Nicholas  Walsh,  Bernard  O'Connor  (who  occupied  the 
top  floor),  and  Pagan  O'Leary. 

My  tailoring  business  threw  off  suspicion,  and  my 
former  employment  with  one  ot  the  most  conservative 
business,  houses  in  the  city  left  no  chance  of  a  doubt  re- 
garding my  being  a  loyal  citizen.  Up  to  the  day  of  my  ar- 
rest there  was  not  a  whisper  of  suspicion,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  it  was  here  almost  all  the  American  offi- 
cers and  men  were  sent  by  John  O'Mahony  to  report 
with  their  certificates  and  commissions,  which  were  in- 
variably torn  up  and  burned  to  the  chagrin  of  a  great 
many. 

We  had,  at  this  time,  an  engineering  school  on  Ste- 
phen's Green,  with  all  the  necessaries  and  appliances 
for  such  an  institution,  links,  chains,  theodolite,  etc., 
etc.  This  school  was  attended  by  the  above  mentioned 
persons.  Martin  was  the  instructor;  none  were  ad- 
mitted but  the  most  conservative  and  capable  men. 
Martin  took  us  out  frequently  to  the  suburbs  to  teach 
us  the  rudiments  of  civil  engineering.  We  objected 
to  carrying  the  theodolite  which  used  to  embarrass  us, 
but  he  insisted  on  its  use,  and  at  night  we  worked  out 
the  problems  given  to  vis.       This  useful  school  con- 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         79 

tinued  and  was  never  disturbed  until  my  arrest.  Then 
Nicholas  Walsh,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  it,  had  every- 
thing removed  and  concealed  that  had  any  value. 

Luby  returned  in  July  after  visiting  Colonel  Cor- 
coran and  others  in  the  United  States.  He  brought 
back  about  one  hundred  pounds,  some  of  which  was  a 
personal  gift  to  the  Captain.  He  did  not  seem  to  be  in 
great  spirits,  on  the  contrary  he  had  the  blues  and  a 
very  severe  attack  of  bronchitis.  The  Captain  was 
not  satisfied  with  the  small  sum  sent  him.  His  inac- 
tivity while  Luby  was  away,  together  with  the  report 
of  serious  dissensions  in  America  brought  by  the  lat- 
ter, put  all  the  Dublin  centres  in  doubt  with  regard  to 
the  management  of  our  officers.  Stephens  went  south, 
and  during  his  absence  this  dissatisfaction  increased 
and  became  outspoken,  so  much  so  that  Luby  informed 
him  and  was  ordered  to  calk  a  meeting  and  find  out 
the  cause.  If  they  wanted  him  to  return  he  would  do 
so,  but  that  would  interfere  with  an  important  news- 
paper project  which  he  then  had  in  contemplation. 
This  Luby  told  us  at  the  meeting  which  followed  and 
at  which  he  read  Stephens'  letters.  The  meeting  did 
not  amount  to  anything. 

Luby,  when  in  America,  visited  Father  O'Flaherty,  a 
patriotic  pastor  at  Crawfordsville,  Indiana.  After 
leaving  Father  O'Flaherty,  Luby  visited  Chicago, 
where  he  met  Michael  Scanlan,  the  Centre,  who  after- 
ward became  one  of  the  most  prominent  members  of 
the  Roberts  or  Secessionist  party.  There  Luby  also 
met  Henry  Clarence  McCarth}^,  who  was  afterward 
sent  to  Ireland  to  take  charge  of  the  goods  donated  for 
the  great  Fenian  Fair  at  Chicago. 

Father  O'Flaherty  came  to  Ireland  in  1863  o^"^  ^  visit, 
when  I  had  the  great  pleasure  of  meeting  him  and 
spending  a  few  days  in  his  company.  He  was  a  man 
of  fine  personal  appearance,  dignified  and  courteous 
and  of  a  most  amiable  disposition,  but  his  love  of  Ire- 
land far  exceeded  all  his  other  characteristics.  After 
spending  a  day  in  the  County  Wicklow  with  him,  I 
learned  how  intensely  he  was  imbued  with  this  feeling. 
I  remember  we  visited  the  Glen  of  the  Downs  and  that 


8o  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

he  was  enraptured  with  its  beautiful  scenery.  We 
stopped  at  the  "Half  Way  House"  and  had  some  re- 
freshments, while  he  enjoyed  the  beautiful  prospect, 
than  which  there  is  none  fairer. 

We  visited  Powerscourt  Waterfall,  where  a  party  of 
tourists  were  making  merry  and  enjoying  themselves 
amid  the  beautiful  scenery.  They  were  accompanied 
by  a  local  musician  who  knew  how  to  cater  to  the 
lovers  of  nature.  The  "Coulin"  was  evidently  a  favor- 
ite air  with  him,  for  he  rendered  it  with  a  pathos  and 
feeling-  which,  mingled  with  the  cadence  of  the  falling 
water,  sounded  like  an  enchanted  lullaby  to  a  weary 
traveler. 

On  leaving  the  Waterfall,  a  few  steps  brought  us  to 
a  turn  in  the  road  from  which  point  the  famous  Sugar- 
loaf  Mountain  w^as  in  plain  sight,  its  stately  form  ap- 
parently blocking  up  the  passage  formed  by  the  green 
wooded  slopes  at  either  side  of  us.  It  was  mid-day, 
bright  and  warm,  with  the  sun  in  the  South  while  we 
were  walking  in  a  westerly  direction  so  that  we  saw 
the  graceful  mountain  clearly  outlined  in  its  entirety 
against  the  clear  sky.  The  beauty,  magnificence,  and 
impressiveness  of  this  scene  evoked  from  him  a  burst 
of  praise  for  its  great  designer.  After  gazing  at  it  for 
some  time,  he  said,  slowly,  ''Let  us  go,  we  have  had 
enough  enchantment  for  one  day ;  I  shall  carrv  this 
scene  in  my  memory  forever." 

We  returned  to  the  city,  and  that  evening  he  was 
introduced  to  the  Dublin  Centres,  whom  he  addressed 
in  the  most  fervid  manner,  encouraging  them  in  the 
good  work  in  which  they  were  engaged,  and  calling 
down  a  blessing  on  their  efiforts.  Among  those  pres- 
ent was  Pagan  O'Leary,  whose  better  feelings  were 
thoroughly  aroused,  and,  when  leaving,  no  one  among 
them  shook  the  good  man's  hand  more  warmly  than  he. 

Because  of  his  outspoken  advocacy  of  the  Cause  in 
Ireland  and  in  Indiana,  Father  O'Flaherty,  on  his  re- 
turn, was  severely  censured  by  his  bishop,  which  may 
have  had  some  effect  upon  him,  although  it  did  not 
lessen  his  zeal.  We  were  all  deeply  shocked  and 
grieved  on  hearing  of  his  death  in  his  own  parish  at 


IRISH   REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         8i 

Crawfordsville,  about  three  months  after.  His  loss 
was  deeply  regretted,  as  Indiana  at  that  time  was  con- 
sidered the  Banner  State  of  Fenianism. 

Stephens  returned  early  in  September  and  called  a 
special  meeting  of  the  Centres.  He  regretted  there  was 
any  dissatisfaction,  and  wished  to  know  the  cause. 
Hugh  Brophy  told  him  plainly  there  was  an  apparent  lack 
of  activity  on  the  part  of  the  Executive,  and  that  pro- 
gress had  practically  come  to  a  stand-still.  He  was 
proceeding  when  Stephens  interrupted  him  and  said 
we  should  go  into  the  business  in  a  regular  way.  He 
placed  a  sheet  of  paper  before  each  one  and  told  them 
to  write  down  their  grievances.  They  could  express 
their  feelings  better  than  they  could  write  them,  there- 
fore this  plan  succeeded  in  stopping  any  further  talk 
on  the  matter.  Bernard  O'Connor  got  on  his  feet  in 
a  hasty  manner  and  objected,  telling  Stephens  he  was 
arrogant  and  set  too  high  an  estimate  on  himself  and 
was  becoming  intolerant.  He  then  took  up  his  hat  and 
left  the  room. 

It  was  considered  by  a  majority  of  the  Centres  that 
they  had  gained  their  point,  as  they  showed  the  Cap- 
tain they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  passive  way  he 
took  matters,  and  that  was  all  they  wanted  to  do  at 
that  time.  I  happened  to  know  that  they  also  desired 
to  have  some  provision  made  for  the  direction  of  the 
organization  in  case  anything  might  happen  to  Ste- 
phens. He  seemed  to  be  aware  of  that,  and  announced 
his  intention  to  make  Luby  Lieutenant  of  Ireland. 
This  was  in  itself  the  cause  of  a  friendly  smile  from  all 
in  the  direction  where  Luby  sat,  as  we  all  liked  him 
and  knew  him  well.  Why  the  Captain  sprung  this  on 
the  meeting  no  one  could  understand,  except  the  mo- 
tive was  to  please  and  compliment  Luby.  After  con- 
sidering the  matter,  next  day  Luby  refused  to  accept 
the  honor. 


82  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER   XII. 

The  idea  of  publishing  a  weekly  newspaper  in  Dub- 
lin, through  the  medium  of  which  he  could  reach  the 
great  mass  of  our  people,  was  one  that  appealed  to 
Stephens'  fancy  in  the  strongest  manner.  He  saw  in 
it  a  quick  method  of  communicating  with  the  organi- 
zation, together  with  a  prospect  of  its  becoming  a  pow- 
erful medium  for  propaganda  work  with  results 
which  could  not  be  secured  so  effectively,  so  directly 
or  cheaply  in  any  other  way.* 

While  the  Captain  was  most  enthusiastic  regarding 
this  scheme,  yet  there  were  few  of  the  Dublin  Centres 
who  fully  approved  of  it.  They  somehow  felt  it  would 
ultimately  bring  us  into  trouble,  in  fact,  that  was  the 
sentiment  which  generally  prevailed  in  the  minds  of 
the  most  influential  and  most  far-seeing  of  our  men. 
Our  objections,  however,  were  overruled  and  set  aside 
by  the  overwhelming  support  given  the  project  by  the 
men  in  the  south  and  southeast. 

Stephens,  as  I  have  said,  was  enthusiastic  regarding 
the  enterprise,  and  finally  succeeded  in  launching  ''The 
Irish  People"  on  the  28th  of  November,  1863,  our  mis- 
givings being  somewhat  allayed  by  the  confidence  we 
had  in  the  men  in  whose  hands  it  was  placed. 

John  O'Leary  was  brought  from  London  to  take 
charge  of  the  editorial  department,  with  Chas.  J.  Kick- 
ham,  Denis  Dowling  Mulcahy  and  Thomas  G.  Luby 
on  the  staff.  John  Haltigan  was  the  printer  and  Rossa 
and  James  O'Connor  had  charge  of  the  business  offfce. 
All  of  these  were  tried  men,  and  were  all  active  work- 
ers in  the  organization  with  one  exception,  John 
O'Leary,  who  never  formally  joined,  but  who,  never- 
theless, was  honored  by  all  who  knew  him,  and  those 
who  knew  him  intimately  were  well  pleased  to  see 
him  in  control.     He  attended  exclusively  to  his  edito- 

*  See  Appendix  VII,  Pages  179-181. 


THOMAS    CLARKE    LUBY. 
DENIS    DOWLING    MULCAHY.  JOHN    O'LEARY. 


IRISH   REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD. 


83 


rial  duties  and  let  the  other  departments  take  care  of 
themselves,     (i) 

All  the  precautions  taken  before  this  to  mystify  the 
Government  and  throw  spies  off  the  scent  were  now^ 
ignored.  Rossa  was  now  in  charge  of  the  business 
office,  but  among  the  very  many  good  qualities  which 
he  possessed  lacked  the  keen  business  tact  necessary 
for  such  a  position.  His  geniality  and  big  heartedness 
overcame  his  love  for  order  and  carefulness.  From  the 
start  the  office  became  a  lounging  place   for   anyone 


r                              '                               ■        - 

'         ^      j^^ 

I-     '4i^      /'^ 

'■                      ■  ■■           ■                   ■    ;         s 

.  ■^^;4:.^*■ 

.^  '"'  ■  -s.  ■» 

;        ■    ^■.    '     . 

CHARLES  J.  KICKHAM. 


(1)  O'Donovan  Rossa  was  the  business  manager,  and  James 
O'Connor  his  assistant.  The  latter  was  arrested  and  sentenced 
to  seven  years'  penal  servitude.  After  his  release  from  prison 
he  became  sub-editor  of  the  Dublin  Irishman  and  is  still  con- 
nected with  the  Irish  National  press.  He  is  at  present  a  mem- 
ber of  Parliament  and  prominent  in  the  United  Irish  League. 


BOSTON  COLLEGhi  LIBHaKY 


84  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

who  wished  to  take  advantage  of  it.  At  first  none  but 
the  curious,  inquisitive,  and  those  who  had  otherwise 
good  intentions  were  continually  around,  but  soon  we 
saw  detectives  hovering  around  like  birds  of  prey. 
The  Castle  birds  were  known  to  all. 

The  year  of  1863  was  a  memorable  one  in  our  or- 
ganization. It  embraced  Luby's  first  visit  to  the 
United  States,  in  February,  Langan's  death,  Stephens' 
marriage,  the  birth  of  ''The  Irish  People"  newspaper, 
and  Luby's  return  on  July  6th. 

The  death  of  Peter  Langan  was  felt  and  lamented 
all  through  the  organization  in  America  and  Ireland, 
but  it  was  only  those  m  close  contact  with  him  who 
felt  the  real  loss  of  such  a  good,  sterling,  patriotic  man. 
Those  who  visited  him  in  the  early  days  of  the  organi- 
zation, from  '55  to  '57,  when  his  home  was  the  only 
place  to  meet,  went  away  rejoicing  that  they  knew 
such  a  man.  He  was  one  of  the  links  that  connected 
the  '49  movement  with  the  I.  R.  B. 

The  marriage  of  Stephens  to  Miss  Hopper  in  the 
summer  of  1863,  was  an  event  that  pleased  very  few 
of  his  real  friends  and  those  who  knew  his  ideas  on 
that  important  subject,  or  at  least  his  expressed  opin- 
ion on  the  marriage  state,  looked  upon  it  as  a  selfish, 
foolish  proceeding. 

After  a  while  he  decided  that  he  required  a  house  in 
one  of  the  suburbs,  and  after  a  search  fixed  on  Fair- 
field House,  Sandymount.  I  had  to  see  about  his  get- 
ting possession  of  it,  and  rented  the  place  in  the  name 
of  ''Mr.  Herbert."  It  was  just  the  place  for  a  man 
with  Stephens'  tastes,  as  it  was  enclosed  with  a  wall 
all  round,  had  a  greenhouse,  and  all  the  appointments 
necessary  for  a  gentleman  of  moderate  income. 

Hugh  Brophy  and  myself  were  the  only  ones  who 
knew  of  this  retreat  except  his  wife's  family,  the  Hop- 
pers. I  will  have  to  speak  more  of  this  retirement  fur- 
ther on,  but  I  must  remark  here  that  Stephens  was  an 
ardent  horticulturist  and  had  a  place  then  to  please 
his  fancy  and  spared  no  means  to  gratify  that  whim. 
He  tilled  it,  lived  very  quietly,  and  never  went  abroad 
except    on    some    matter    of    very    great    importance. 


IRISH   REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         85 

George  Hopper,  his  brother-in-law,  and,  in  fact,  all  the 
Hoppers  were  reliable  people.  The  most  important 
meetings  were  held  in  George's  house  in  Dame  Street. 
Denis  Cromien  was  an  active  member  of  the  build- 
ing trade.     He  was   superintendent    of   John's    Lane 


DANIEL  H.  GLEASON.  (i) 


Church,  which  was  in  course  of  building  at  this  time. 
He  had  a  fine  lot  of  men  under  him,  all  of  whom  had 
been  made  members  of  the  I.  R.  B.    Among  them  was 


(1)  Daniel  Gleason  emigrated  to  America  after  the  failure  of 
the  Movement  in  '67.  He  at  first  settled  in  New  York,  but  In 
1872  removed  to  Chicago,  where  he  became  a  power  in  politics. 
He  was  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for  several  im- 
portant ipositions,  and  on  one  occasion  came  within  a  few  votes 
of  being  elected  to  Congress.  On  another  occasion  he  was  ten- 
dered the  Democratic  nomination  for  Mayor  of  Chicago,  but 
declined.  He  was  always  an  ardent  worker  in  the  Irish  cause 
and  a  man  of  the  most  genial  and  kindly  nature.  He  died  in 
Chicago  a  few  months  ago. 


86  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

a  young  Tipperary  man  named  Dan  Gleason,  and 
Michael  Malone,  a  cousin  of  the  Captain,  and  a  young 
man  from  Kilkenny,  James  Lawless.  They  had  a  drill 
room  where  drilling  went  on  every  night.  The  risk 
becoming  too  great,  on  the  suggestion  of  Dan  Glea- 
son, they  all  joined  the  Dublin  militia,  where  they 
could  drill  without  fear.  Dan,  under  Capt.  John  Kir- 
wan,  became  their  instructor,  for  which  a  former  ex- 
perience in  the  Tipperary  militia  thoroughly  qualified 
him.  They  became  ver}^  proficient  in  the  manual  of 
arms  and  such  other  requirements  as  the  service  de- 
manded. Dan  appeared  later  on  in  the  seizure  of  ''The 
Irish  People." 

''The  Irish  People"  was  being  issued  regularly,  but 
up  to  this  was  not  bringing  in  enough  to  pay  expenses, 
although  it  had  a  fine  circulation.  Most  of  its  sub- 
scribers had  already  advanced  money  to  put  it  on  its 
feet,  and  the  returns  were  slim.  These  facts  were  pa- 
tent to  a  few  of  us  in  Dublin — to  Hugh  Brophy,  An- 
drew Nolan  and  some  others.     (3) 

(3)  Hugh  Brophy  was  among  the  Irish  prisoners  who,  with 
John  Boyle  O'Reilly,  D.  B.  Cashman  and  others,  were  sent  to 
Australia.  After  his  pardon  Brophy  settled  in  Melbourne, 
where  he  is  now  a  prominent  builder.  Andrew  Nolan  and  his 
brother  John  are  long-  since  dead.  John  Nolan  took  Stephens' 
place  while  he  was  in  prison.  He  emigrated  to  America  and 
died  in  Kansas  City,  where  a  monument  has  been  erected  to 
his  memory, 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         87 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

In  order  to  extend  the  Fenian  organization  in  Amer- 
ica special  organizers  were  sent  out  who  made  it  their 
business  to  visit  all  cities  and  towns  containing  an 
Irish  population,  where  they  held  meetings  and  or- 
ganized Circles  from  which,  in  course  of  time,  other 
Circles  started.  Sometimes  military  companies  were 
formed  and  equipped,  which  in  time  became  proficient 
in  military  tactics,  ready  to  take  the  field  for  Ireland 
when  opportunity  should  offer.  The  enthusiasm  and 
energy  displayed  in  Chicago  was  something  remarka- 
ble, and  early  in  1864  they  decided  to  hold  a  grand 
Fair  or  Bazaar  in  that  city,  the  proceeds  of  which  were 
to  be  handed  ov^er  to  the  Fenian  Brotherhood. 

In  furtherance  of  their  design  circulars  were  sent 
everywhere  at  home  and  abroad  asking  for  donations  of 
merchandise  and  goods  of  any  and  every  description  which 
could  be  disposed  of  at  the  Fair. 

*'The  Irish  People"  printed  the  appeal,  and  offered 
to  receive  and  ship  to  Chicago  any  articles  that  might 
be  donated  to  the  Fair  by  people  in  Ireland. 

A  young  Chicago  man,  named  Henry  Clarence  Mc- 
Carthy was  sent  to  Dublin  to  the  office  of  ''The  Irish 
People"  to  receive  and  ship  the  goods  donated  to  the 
Fair.  This  young  man  impressed  in  the  most  favorable 
manner  all  the  Centres  and  others  with  whom  he  came 
in  contact. 

They  all  liked  him,  as  he  was  of  mild  disposition, 
genial  deportment  and  possessed  a  very  pleasing  man- 
ner. His  father  and  himself  were  born  in  the  United 
States,  his  grandfather  was  born  in  Ireland.  He  pos- 
sessed more  of  the  American  traits  than  any  we  had 
met  up  to  this.  There  was  no  spread  eagleism  about 
him ;  on  the  contrary,  he  was  modest,  unselfish,  practi- 
cal, and  business-like  in  everything,  but  a  pronounced 


88  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

and  determined  revolutionist  all  the  time.  He  ex- 
pressed himself  disgusted  with  the  way  business  was 
being  done  in  the  office  of  "The  Irish  People,"  and 
asked  me  to  help  him  pack  the  contributions  to  the 
fair.  I  listed  them  while  he  put  them  away  in  boxes, 
and  before  we  got  through  I  shared  his  feelings  with 
regard  to  the  condition  of  the  office. 

Edward  Duffy  was  absent  much  of  the  time, 
mostly  in  the  West,  where  he  was  doing  good  work  as 
an  organizer.  John  Nolan  was  equally  successful  in 
the  North.  These  two  men  were  fine  propagandists, 
and  had  both  given  up  lucrative  positions  to  sppead  the 
light.  Andrew  Nolan,  John's  brother,  whom  I  have 
before  mentioned,  was  also  a  successful  organizer.  He 
was  a  traveller  for  a  large  hardware  house  in  Thomas 
street,  Dublin  which  gave  him  a  splendid  opportunity 
of  spreading  the  organization  through  Carlow,  Kil- 
dare,  and  the  adjoining  counties. 

John  Morris,  for  whom  a  large  reward  was  offered  in 
1865,  was  a  native  of  Myshal,  County  Carlow.  He  was, 
I  think,  a  relative,  or  if  not,  a.  close  personal  friend  of 
Andrew  Nolan  and  of  John  his  brother.  He  was  a  sur- 
veyor and  was  employed  as  such  in  his  neighborhood, 
and  usually  called  on  me  in  Dublin  whenever  his  busi- 
ness brought  him  there,  consequently  I  saw  a  good  deal 
of  him  and  was  delighted  with  him.  He  joined  the 
movement  through  Andrew  Nolan,  and  was  one  of  his 
best  men.  He  had  his  section  of  Carlow  well  in  hand, 
his  profession  and  wide  acquaintanceship  giving  him  a 
large  scope,  and  bringing  him  in  contact  with  the  most 
prominent  people  of  the  district.  Carlow  at  this  time 
was  like  one  of  the  northern  counties,  very  conserva- 
tive and,  in  a  sense,  was  considered  the  special  domin- 
ion of  Colonel  Bruin  (O'Connell's  great  adversary), 
and  Squire  Cavanagh  of  fox-hunting  fame.  These  two 
landlords  had  their  estates  well  garrisoned  with  police, 
and  had  their  tenantry  pretty  well  terrorized  and  sub- 
dued. Colonel  Bruin  cleared  his  estate  after  the  elec- 
tion in  which  O'Connell  opposed  him  as  member  for 
the  county.  His  tenants  having  all  voted  for  O'Con- 
nell, he  dispossessed  every  man  of  them.     I  remember 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         89 

the  occasion  very  well,  as  all  the  poor  fellows  and  their 
families  were  lodged  in  Smithwick's  Brewery,  Kil- 
kenny, until  means  were  found  to  send  them  to  Amer- 
ica. This  event  took  place  in  the  Repeal  of  the  Union 
times,  but  the  people  never  forgot  the  useless  sacrifice 
that  was  made,  and  the  heartless  wholesale  eviction 
and  exodus  remains  to  this  day  without  a  parallel  in 
the  history  of  the  county.  Such  was  the  vineyard  that 
John  Morris  worked  in  until  he  was  obliged  to  fly.  He 
is  now  in  Chicago,  father  of  a  large  family,  all  doing 
well,  and,  as  I  can  vouch,  the  same  sterling  fellow  he 
was  in  his  younger  days. 

Patrick  O'Leary,  who  professed  to  be  a  pagan  and 
was  known  as'Tagan"0'Leary,  had  charge  of  the  men 
engaged  in  winning  over  and  organizing  soldiers  in 
Her  Majesty's  service  who  were  flocking  into  the  or- 
ganization daily.  He  did  wonderful  work  up  to  the 
time  of  his  arrest.  He  was  a  unique  character,  and  had 
no  compeer  and,  although  he  professed  himself  a  pagan, 
did  not  altogether  forget  Christian  customs.  He  was 
a  pronounced  temperance  man,  and  would  share  his 
last  shilling  with  any  poor  person  who  might  excite  his 
pity  in  the  streets.  I  knew  him  to  take  a  poor  barefoot 
woman  he  met  in  Grafton  street  into  a  shoe  shop  and 
buy  her  a  pair  of  shoes,  and  after  that  bought  her  a 
couple  of  pairs  of  stockings.  The  same  evening  he  had 
to  borrow  some  money  until  he  got  his  pay  at  the  end 
of  the  week.  Take  him  all  in  all  he  was  a  most  worthy 
man. 

He  was  arrested  in  ''The  Irish  People"  oflice  at  the 
time  of  the  seizure,  and  when  brought  before  Magis- 
trate Strong  insisted  on  keeping  his  hat  on.  When 
ordered  to  take  it  off  he  told  the  magistrate  he  would 
not.  The  justice  remonstrated  with  him,  and  told  him 
it  was  a  custom  and  a  compulsory  one  in  courts  of  jus- 
tice. 

"No  matter,"  said  he,  "General  Juarez,  in  Mexico, 
told  me  at  one  time  never  to  take  off  my  hat  to  any  one 
until  I  met  the  Lord  of  Heaven,  and  I  have  not  met 
him  yet." 

A  policeman  removed  his  hat. 


90  A   PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OE  THE 

William  R(jantrce  of  Leixlip,  late  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  was  very  active  in  the  movement.  He 
was  a  daring,  dashing  fellow  with  a  splendid  physique, 
full  of  ardor  and  a  favorite  with  all  the  boys.  He  was 
a  constant  caller  at  my  place  and  I  a  frequent  visitor  at 
Leixlip.  His  father  was  a  victualer,  and  was  respected 
by  all  throughout  the  country  round.  AVilliam,  full  of 
energy  and  hope,  threw  himself  actively  into  the  work 
and  became  one  of  the  best  organizers.  His  re-appear- 
ance and  presence  in  the  village  was  not  at  all  pleasing 
to  the  parish  priest,  although  his  family  and  himself 
were  regular  attendants  at  his  church,  and  were  all  of 
them  exemplary  subscribers  to  the  Catholic  faith.  Bill 
wore  his  beard  full  and  long  with  a  mustache  to 
match,  but  for  some  unknown  reason  his  reverence  did 
not  like  the  cut  of  his  jib.  One  Sunday  this  priest  sur- 
prised his  congregation  by  some  remarks  in  the  course 
of  his  sermon  which  Bill  thought  were  directed  towards 
himself.  His  Reverence  alluded  to  returned  Americans, 
wearing  a  badge  of  impudence  under  their  noses  and 
an  independent  swagger  in  their  gait,  etc.  As  Bill  was 
the  only  one  in  the  village  who  had  been  to  America, 
no  one  could  be  mistaken  regarding  the  person  who 
was  meant.  His  sister  was  with  him  in  the  pew,  and 
was  greatly  mortified  with  these  remarks.  The  priest 
had,  on  former  occasions,  touched  on  the  subject,  but 
this  time  he  was  pointed — almost  personal. 

The  priest  was  a  young  man,  robust  and  domineer- 
ing, and  Bill  called  on  him,  determined  to  have  an  ex- 
planation, as  he  was  wrathy  at  the  insult.  His  rever- 
ence said  he  did  not  have  him  in  his  mind  when  he 
made  use  of  the  expressions,  and  was  sorry  that  Bill 
had  imagined  they  were  intended  for  him.  In  other 
words,  he  backed  down.  He  lost  some  of  his  parishion- 
ers who,  I  heard  afterwards,  went  elsewhere  to  attend 
their  devotions. 

General  Millen  arrived  from  New  York  about 
this  time,  sent  by  John  O'Mahony.  He  claimed 
to  have  earned  his  spurs  under  Juarez  in  Mexico. 
Also  at  that  time  Col.  Denis  F.  Burkef  Colonel  Kir- 
win,  Colonel  Byron,  and  several  other  American  offi- 

*  See  Appendix  LXXXVl,  Page  284. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         91 

cers  reported.  They  had  no  special  duties  to  perform 
that  I  was  aware  of.  General  Halpin  was  in  the  batch. 
He  had  been  assigned  to  the  duty  of  inspecting  the 
enemy's  forts,  barracks,  etc.  I  remember  going  with 
him  on  one  of  those  occasions  to  Mullingar,  where  we 
spent  one  entire  day,  taking  notes,  etc, 

Finally  Col.  Thomas  Kelly  (i)  came  at  a  time  when 

(1)  Colonel  Thomas  J.  Kelly,  the  Chief  of  the  Military  Depart- 
ment in  1865,  was  born  in  Mount  Bellew,  County  Galway,  in, 
1833.  His  father  belonged  to  the  farmer  class  and  brought  up 
his  son  for  the  priesthood.  On  that  account  he  received  a  better 
education  than  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  farmers'   sons. 

After  a  time  the  young  man  found  he  did  not  have  a  voca- 
tion for  the  church,  so  he  was  apprenticed  to  the  printing  trade 
in  Loughrea.  Finding  his  prospects  in  a  country  town  some- 
what circumscribed,  he  came  to  New  York  when  he  was  eigh- 
teen years  old,  where  he  joined  the  Printers'  Union  and  soon 
secured  employment.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Emmet  Monument  Association.  On  the  recommen- 
dation of  some  friends  he  went  to  Nashville,  Tenn.,  in  1857, 
where  he  founded  a  paper,  which  he  had  to  abandon  at  the 
breaking-  out  of  the  Civil  War. 

On  his  way  North  to  join  the  69th  Regiment  he  heard  of  the 
enrollment  of  the  10th  Ohio,  an  Irish  regiment,  which  he  joined 
as  a  private.  He  rose  to  the  rank  of  captain  and  was  for  a 
time  Chief  Signal  Officer  with  General  Thomas.  Having  been 
severely  wounded  and  his  health  impaired,  he  was  invalidated, 
but  became  identified  with  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  and  was 
sent  to  Ireland  as  the  first  military  envoy.  His  interview  with 
Stephens  in  Ireland  was  satisfactory  to  both  parties  and 
Stephens  soon  learned  to  place  implicit  confidence  in  Captain 
Kelly.  He  was  deputed  to  make  an  inspection  of  the  condition 
of  the  I.  R.  B.  in  the  Provinces  and  to  report  on  them  to  Steph- 
ens on  his  return.  His  report  was  fully  satisfactory.  He  ex- 
pressed himself  as  amazed  at  the  ramifications  of  the  Broth- 
erhood in  Ireland  and  could  not  believe  it  had  he  not  seen  it 
for  himself. 

He  was  employed  in  various  offices,  sometimes  in  visiting 
circles  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  at  other  times  assist- 
ing Stephens  in  the  executive  management  of  affairs  at  home. 

On  the  arrest  of  James  Stephens,  Captain  Kelly  took  tem- 
porary charge  of  affairs  and  managed  all  the  plans  for  Steph- 
ens' escape.  He  met  Stephens  on  the  outside  of  the  prison,  and 
later  accompanied  him  to  Paris,  where  both  arrived  safely. 
Stephens  left  his  home  in  Dublin  on  an  open  car  undisguised 
and  went  on  board  a  boat  in  the  Liffey.  They  spent  three 
days  beating  about  in  the  channel,  and  owing  to  adverse  winds 
were   at   one   time   driven    into    Carrickfergus   Bay.     They    ulti- 


92  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

the  Captain  and  Luby  were  out  of  townf  His  mission 
was  to  closely  examine  the  strength  of  our  forces  and 
resources,  and  report  to  O'Mahony;  thus  the  dilly-dal- 
lying was  kept  up  while  there  was  no  actual  revolution 


COLONEL  THOMAS  J.  KELLY. 
Reproduced  From  "The  Irish  People." 


mateiy  reached  a  port  in  Scotland,  spent  a  night  in  Kilmarnock, 
rode  in  the  mail  train  to  London  next  day,  slept  that  night  in 
the  Palace  Hotel,  not  far  from  Buckingham  Palace,  and 
started  next  morning  by  train  from  Victoria  Station  for  Dover, 
whence  they  crossed  to  Calais  in  safety. 

In  1865  after  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  many  Irish-American 
ofRcers  went  to  Ireland  prepared  to  participate  in  the  uprising 
which   they  had  been   led  to  expect  was  about  to   take  place, 
*  See  Appendix  XI  and  XII,  Pages  186-188. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         93 

in  sight.  Kelly  expressed  himself  satisfied  with  what 
he  saw,  and  reported  everything  O.  K. 

Everyone  was  now  at  fever  heat,  and  the  reports  from 
the  disaffected  military  were  becoming  exciting,  as  they 
were  becoming  discontented  with  delay,  and  wanted  to  re- 
volt. An  undercurrent  of  insubordination  had  been  ap- 
parent for  some  time,  for  they  did  not  know  the  mo- 
ment they  would  get  orders  to  leave  Ireland.  One  reg- 
iment wanted  to  revolt  and  take  to  the  Dublin 
mountains  sooner  than  leave,  but  Stephens  told  them 
to  obey  orders  and  go,  we  were  not  ready  yet. 

At  this  time  the  Pigeon  House  Fort,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Liffey,  was  held  by  a  friendly  garrison,  and 
would  be  placed  in  our  hands  when  we  desired.  This 
was  the  best  opportunity  which  ever  presented  itself 


The  uprising  was  planned  to  take  place  in  1866,  but  the  move- 
ment proved  a  failure.  Nothing-  daunted,  the  leaders  planned 
another  for  March  5  the  following  year.  To  obtain  arms  and 
ammunition  for  this  contemplated  rising  an  expedition  was 
projected  by  the  Irish  Republican  Brotherhood  against  Chester 
Castle,  Chester,  Wales,  where  some  25,000  stands  of  arms  were 
known  to  be  kept  in  storage  guarded  by  a  small  body  of  Eng- 
lish soldiers. 

The  plan  was  well  laid  and  would  have  been  successfully 
carried  out  were  it  not  for  the  treachery  of  John  J.  Corydon, 
an  informer,  who  notified  the  authorities  and  warned  them  in 
advance,  so  that  when  the  Irish  soldiers  reached  Chester  they 
found  the  town  filled  with  troops. 

The  projected  rising  v/as  therefore  a  failure  and  many  of  the 
Irish-American  officers  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Government. 
Others  escaped  and  scattered  through  the  larger  cities  in  Eng- 
land and  Scotland. 

Colonel  Thomas  J.  Kelly  was  in  chief  command  at  that  time 
with  Colonel  Rick  Burke  in  London,  and  Captain  Timothy 
Deasy  in  Manchester  and  Liverpool.  Colonel  Kelly  as  com- 
mander-in-chief found  occasion  to  visit  Manchester  to  attend  a 
meeting  of  the  organization  and  later,  while  in  company  of  Cap- 
tain Deasy,  both  were  arrested.  They  were  taken  before  a 
magistrate   and  remanded. 

Some  days  later  while  being  driven  through  the  streets  in  a 
prison  van  the  vehicle  was  attacked  and  the  prisoners  rescued. 
In  breaking  open  the  van  a  policeman  on  guard  inside  was  acci- 
dentally killed  for  which  three  men  were  afterwards  hanged. 
Kelly  and  Deasy  escaped  in  safety  to  America.  Colonel  Kelly 
is  still  living.  He  holds  a  position  in  the  New  York  Custom 
House  and  resides  uptown, 


94  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

for  a  successful  outbreak^  but  it  was  allowed  to  slip. 
The  three  disaffected  regiments  stationed  in  Dublin  were 
shortly  after  sent  off,  one  to  Malta,  one  to  Gibraltar, 
and  the  other  to  India,  disheartened  and  disgusted. 

At  this  particular  time  the  Captain,  Luby,  and 
O'Leary  frequently  met  and  consulted  with  Generals 
Kerwinf  Halpin,  Millen,  Colonel  Burke  and  others,  in 
my  place.  A  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  with  Stephens' 
management  of  affairs  had  sprung  up  and  found  ex- 
pression and  there  were  rumors  to  the  effect  that  an 
effort  would  be  made  to  remove  him.t  No  matter  what 
may  be  said  nowadays  in  regard  to  any  one  being  ap- 
pointed in  Stephens'  place,  Luby  and  O'Leary  urged 
him  not  to  yield  his  position  to  any  one.  I  heard  this 
repeated  more  than  once,     (i) 

(1)  The  members  of  the  I.  R.  B.  who  had  been  led  to  believe 
that  a  rising-  would  take  place  about  this  time  became  impa- 
tient at  the  prolonged  and,  to  them,  inexplicable  delay,  and  a 
feeling,  or  belief,  found  expression,  inside  the  organization  that 
Stephens  and  O'Mahony  had  not  performed  their  full  duty  in 
making  the  necessary  preparations  for  the  uprising,  with  per- 
haps a  faint  suspicion  that  they  did  not  mean  to  fight.  This 
opinion  regarding  Stephens  in  Ireland  was  somewhat  strength- 
ened and  apparently  corroborated  by  statements  made  by 
American  oflicers  who  came  to  Ireland  and  reported  that 
O'Mahony  in  New  York  was  also  being  blamed  for  the  delay. 
As  a  result  of  this  dissatisfaction  it  was  vaguely  rumored  an 
attempt  would  be  made  to  remove  Stephens  and  replace  him 
with  a  more  active  and  aggressive  successor.  That  this  feeling 
found  expression  and  gave  serious  cause  for  alarm  to  the 
leaders  is  proven  by  the  fact  that  they  deemed  it  necessary  to 
call  a  meeting  and  pass  a  vote  of  confidence  in  Stephens  and 
O'Mahony. 

At  that  meeting  the  following  paper  was  drawn  up  and  signed 
by  the  four  persons  whose  names  appear  first  on  the  list.  The 
other  signatures  were  added  later  as  opportunity  offered. 

"We  the  undersigned  local  representatives  in  Ireland,  of  the 
Irish  firm,  over  the  American  branch  of  which  John  O'Mahony 
has  been  appointed  Supreme  Director,— hereby  express  our  un- 
limited confidence  in  the  ability  and  integrity  with  which  that 
gentleman  has  conducted  our  affairs  in  America;  and  also 
our  admiration  of  the  noble  constancy  which  has  enabled  him 
to  sustain  our  interests,  unfiinchingly,  amid  the  severest  trials 
and  in  the  face  of  the  most  shameful  and  unmerited  calumny. 

"We  also  hereby  testify,  in  the  strongest  manner,  our  approval 
of  the  conduct  and  devotion  of  James  Stephens,  in  the  general 

*  See  Appendix  LXXXV,  Page  281.        t  See  Appe      ix  III,  Pages  163-164. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         95 

On  July  3,  1865,  Captain  Patrick  Magrath,  of  Chi- 
cago, arrived  in  Dublin.  With  him,  and  under  his 
charge,  were  Captain  P.  Tolen,  Major  Martin  Wallace, 
Sergeant  Matthew  Higgins  and  Private  Owen  Cun- 
ningham, all  of  the  Twenty-third  Hlinois  Regiment, 
and  Sergt.  John  Dunne  of  the  Regular  Army.  Im- 
mediately after  landing  he  reported  to  me  and  I  in- 
troduced him  to  Stephens.     He  was  assigned    to  An- 

manag-ement  of  the  firm,  under  similar  trying  circumstances; 
and,  finally,  we  confirm  both  those  gentlemen  in  the  authority, 
originally  conferred  upon  them;  and  express  our  unalterable 
determination  to  stand  by  them,  while  they  represent  us,  against 
all  their  enemies,  whether  open  or  disguised — their  enemies 
being  ours  also!" 

1.  Peter  Langan,   Dublin. 

2.  Thomas  Clarke  Luby,  Dublin. 

3.  Joseph  Denieff,  Dublin. 

4.  Charles   Beggs,    Dublin. 

5.  James  W.  Dillon,  Wicklow. 

6.  Thomas  Purcell,  Bray. 

7.  William   Butler,   Waterford   City. 

8.  John   Haltigan,   Kilkenny. 

9.  John   O'Cavanagh,   Carrick   on   Suir. 

10.  Edmund  Coyne,   Callan. 

11.  Thos.  Hickey,  Coolnamick,  County  Waterford. 

12.  Denis   D.    Mulcahy,    Jr.,    Redmondstown,    Co.    Tipperary. 

13.  Brian  Dillon,  Cork  City. 

14.  William  O'Carroll,   Cork  City. 

15.  Jer.  O'Donovan  Rossa,  Skibbereen,  Cork. 

16.  Daniel  McCartle. 

17.  James  O'Mahony,  Bandon,  Co.  Cork. 

18.  Thomas    P.    O'Connor,    Laffana,  Co.  Cork. 

19.  James  O'Connell,   Clonmel. 

20.  William  O'Connor,  Grange,   Clonmel. 

21.  Michael  Commerford,  Newtown,   Carrick  on  Suir. 

22.  Mortimer   Moynahan,    Skibbereen,    Co.    Cork. 

23.  Eugene  McSwiney,   Tomes,   Macroom. 

24.  Denis  O'Shea,   Kenmare. 

25.  Martin    Hawe,    Kilkenny. 

Accompanying  some  of  the  above  signatures  are  marginal 
notes  stating  they  were  obtained  or  attached  at  various  times. 
Thus  the  names  of  James  O'Connell  of  Clonmel  and  William 
O'Conner,  Grange,  Clonmel,  are  accompanied  by  a  side-note 
written  by  Luby  stating  they  were  obtained  by  Denis  Dowling 
Mulcahy.  The  signature  of  Michael  Commerford,  Newton, 
Carrick  on  Suir,  is  written  on  a  separate  note  sheet  and  pasted 
on.  He  said:  "Dear  Mr.  Luby,  I  authorize  you  to  sign  my  name 
to  the  paper  expressing  confidence  in  the  devotion  and  wisdom 


96  A  PERSONAL   NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

trim,  but  found  that  section  in  a  very  poor  state  of 
preparation,  Belfast  being  the  only  place  possessing 
arms  in  any  considerable  quantity.  Captain  Magrath 
was  afterwards  sent  to  Kilkenny,  where  he  reported 
to  John  Kavanagh,  then  centre  of  the  city,  and  a 
warm  friendship  sprung  up  between  the  two.  Cap- 
tain Magrath  remained  in  Ireland  until  all  hope  was 
temporarily  abandoned,  when  he  returned  to  Amer- 
ica, and  is  now  a  worthy  resident  of  the  City  of  Chi- 
cago. 

of  our  leaders  James  and  John."  The  date  is  given  as  August 
8,  1864,  which  fixes  the  time. 

The  signatures  of  Mortimer  Moynahan,  Skibbereen,  and  Eu- 
gene McSwiney,  Tomes,  Macroom,  were  obtained  by  Dan  Mc- 
Cartie. 

The  original  with  all  the  signatures  attached  is  at  present 
in  possession  of  the  Editor  of  THE  GAEL,  together  with  a 
large  number  of  other  original  documents,  papers,  letters,  etc., 
written  by  Stephens,  O'Mahony,  Luby,  O'Lreary,  Kickham,  John 
Mitchel  ,  Colonel  Kelly  and  others. 

Towards  the  end  of  1865  John  Mitchel  was  sent  by  O'Mahony  to  Paris  to 
act  as  Financial  Agent  for  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  which  position  he  filled 
in  a  most  satisfactory  manner.*  Some  years  later  he  changed  his  opinion 
regarding  the  advisabilitu  of  attempting  the  freedom  of  Ireland  by  physi- 
cal force  ivhile  England  is  at  piece.  + 

*  See  Appendix  XXII,  XXXV,  XXXVIII,  XXXIX  and  XL. 

+  See  Appendix  LXXXII,  LXVIII,  Pages  276-277. 


IRISH   REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD. 


97 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Matters  were  in  this  state  when  P.  J.  Meehan  of  the 
"Irish-American"  arrived.  As  this  is  a  most  important 
episode  in  this  narrative,  I  shall  give  verbatim  the  con- 
versations  and  the   circumstances   as   they  occurred. 


PATRICK  J.  MEEHAN, 
Editor  "Irish  American.' 


I  was  surprised  to  hear  that  Meehan  had  been  sent,  as 
I  had  met  him  in  New  York,  and  knew  the  antagonistic 


98  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

attitude  he  had  taken  towards  our  organization  during:  mv 
time  there. 

One  morning,  after  I  had  my  shop  opened  up,  a  gen- 
tleman and  a  boy  came  in,  and  asked  to  see  the  pro- 
prietor. 

"I  am  the  proprietor,"  said  I. 

''Well,"  said  he,  "I  am  P.  W.  Dunne,  from  the 
United  States,  and  wish  to  speak  privately  with  you." 

My  salesman  and  bookkeeper  was  standing  a  little 
distance  off  from  us,  so  I  showed  Mr.  Dunne  some 
goods,  as  if  he  were  about  to  make  a  purchase  or  leave 
an  order,  and  then  took  an  early  opportunity  to  send 
out  my  man  with  some  bills  to  collect,  so  that  we  had 
the  place  to  ourselves. 

''Now,"  said  I.  "you  can  speak  freely." 

"Mr.  P.  J.  Meehan,  of  New  York,  is  in  town,  sent  by 
John  O'Mahony  to  see  James  Stephens.  I  want  to  see 
Stephens  before  he  does.  I  want  to  post  him  on  some 
matters  on  which  he  should  be  well  informed.  That  is 
why  I  want  to  see  him." 

Mr,  Dunne  was  the  leading  Fenian  in  Peoria,  Illi- 
nois, and  was  very  influential  in  Irish  affairs  in  that 
State.  I  had  never  met  him  before,  but  had  heard  Ste- 
phens speak  of  him  as  one  of  the  best  friends  he  had 
met  while  in  the  United  States.  Mr.  Dunne  informed 
me  that  he  had  been  sent  to  Ireland  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  personal  investigation  into  the  condition  and 
strength  of  the  home  organization,  and  if  he  found  it 
as  well  established  and  as  vigorous  as  it  was  repre- 
sented to  be,  and  made  a  report  on  his  return  to  that 
effect,  then  his  colleagues  would  be  satisfied  and  more 
funds  would  be  promptly  forthcoming. 

Air.  Meehan  came  from  New  York  on  a  similar  er- 
rand, but  Mr.  Dunne  believed  the  Captain  should  be 
made  acquainted  with  existing  conditions  in  New  York 
before  he  saw  Mr.  Aleehan.  I  arranged  to  have  the 
Captain  meet  Mr.  Dunne  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  Mr. 
Meehan  at  noontime.  Mr.  Dunne  requested  me  not  to 
let  Meehan  know  that  I  had  seen  him  previously,  and 
asked  me  to  receive  Meehan  in  a  kindly  and  cordial 
manner,  Avhich  I  agreed  to  do,  and  he  then- went  away. 


IRISH    REVOLUTIONARY    BROTHERHOOD.         99 

Shortly  after,  to  my  great  surprise,  he  returned  accom- 
panied by  Mr.  Meehan.  I,  of  course,  knew  Mr.  Mee- 
han,  and  greeted  him  cordially,  but  acted  towards  Mr. 
Dunne  as  if  I  had  then  met  him  for  the  first  time. 
After  the  usual  salutations  were  over,  Mr.  Meehan 
stated  his  mission,  and  further  said  he  had  some  impor- 
tant documents  to  deliver.  I  asked  where  they  were, 
and  he  said  they  were  in  his  trunk  at  the  hotel,  hidden 
in  the  back  of  a  brush.  I  told  him  he  ought  to  have 
them  with  him,  somewhere  about  his  person,  especially 
if  they  were  at  all  important. 

They  both  left,  and  after  some  time  returned  again. 
It  has  been  said  that  Meehan  had  the  papers  when  he 
first  called,  and  offered  them  to  me.  I  have  no  recol- 
lection of  ever  having  seen  them.  They  both  went 
away  again,  and  I  went  and  brought  Stephens  to  meet 
them  according  to  appointment.  Stephens  and  I  were 
waiting  for  Mr.  Dunne  to  call  at  eleven  o'clock,  when 
to  our  surprise  both  Meehan  and  he  came  in.  Meehan 
came  right  up  to  us  and  exclaimed,  ''What  shall  I  do? 
I  have  lost  the  documents  which  I  brought  from  Amer- 
ica?" 

"Lost  them?"  said  the  Captain.     "Where?" 

'T  don't  know." 

At  this  juncture,  James  O'Connor  came  in  on  some 
business  for  "The  Irish  People."  Meehan  asked  the 
Captain  to  allow  O'Connor  to  go  with  him  to  search  for 
the  papers. 

*'No,"  said  Mr.  Stephens,  "Air.  Denieffe  will  2:0  with 
you." 

''Now,"  said  I  to  him,"  where  did  3^ou  come  from  to 
my  place?" 

"From  Westland  Row  Station.  I  came  in  from 
Kingston." 

"How  did  3^ou  come  from  the  station?  In  a  convey- 
ance?" 

"In  a  covered  car." 

"Will  you  know  the  man  that  drove  you?" 

"Yes,  i  think  so." 

We  went  to  Westland  Row  Station,  and  saw  the  old 
man  that  drove  him.     I  opened  his  cab  and  searched 


[00  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


P.  W.  DUNNE. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         loi 

the  cushions,  and  asked  the  old  man  if  he  had  found 
any  papers. 

"No  sir,  there  were  none  found." 

We  went  to  the  superintendent's  office,  and  inquired 
if  there  w^ere  any  papers  found  on  the  trains.  He  went 
to  a  pigeonhole  desk  and  looked  over  it.  No,  there 
were  none  found. 

I  then  decided  I  w^ould  go  to  Kingstown,  and  search 
there.  As  we  were  going  to  take  the  train  for  Kings- 
town, to  continue  our  search,  Edward  Duffy  was  met, 
coming  from  a  train  that  had  just  arrived.  He  saw 
us.  I  took  him  aside  and  told  him  who  the  person  was 
that  was  with  me,  and  that  we  were  in  search  of  im- 
portant papers  that  he  had  lost.  I  asked  him  to  fol- 
low us  and  keep  us  in  sight.  Arriving  in  Kingstown, 
I  saw  William  Roantree  going  to  board  a  train  for 
Dublin.  I  went  to  him  and  told  him  to  see  Edward 
Duffy,  and  he  would  tell  him  what  to  do. 

When  we  got  opposite  the  Anglesea  Arms  Hotel 
I  noticed  Meehan  kicking  every  bit  of  paper  and  straw  that 
came  in  his  way.  I  told  him  if  the  papers  were  lost  here 
there  was  a  good  chance  of  finding  them,  as  there  were  a 
great  m.any  friends  in  the  place,  and  that  we  had  detective^<> 
of  our  own  always  on  the  lookout. 

Soon  he  noticed  Roantree  and  Dufify  following  us, 
and  inquired  who  they  were.  I  told  him  they  were 
two  of  our  men.  We  went  up  the  little  street,  a  cul  du  sac, 
next  to  the  Hotel,  to  a  house  on  the  end,  where  he  knocked. 
A  middle-aged  lady  opened  the  door,  and  asked,  "Patrick, 
did  vou  find  them?" 

He  told  her  they  had  not  yet  been  found. 

*'I  wouldn't  bother  Avith  them,"  she  said,  ''come  in 
and  make  yourself  easy." 

"No,"  said  he,  "I  must  go  w^ith  this  gentleman." 

"Must  go!"  she  said.  We  then  came  away.  The 
lady  was  Mrs.  Nicholas  Kelly,  his  cousin,  formerly  of 
Limerick,  whom  he  had  previously  visited  and  from  whosfc 
house  he  had  come  that  morning. 

This  was  all  the  search  that  was  made.  My  two 
trusty  friends  were  at  the  end  of  the  street  when  Mee- 
han  came  out,  and  turned  in  the  direction  of  the  rail- 


ro2  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

road.     I  signalled  them  to  stop,  and  when  we  came 
up  to  them  introduced  Meehan.      (1) 

(1)  P.  J.  Meehan  of  New  York  and  P.  W.  Dunne  of  Peoria,  111., 
were  two  of  the  mast  trusted  men  in  the  Fenian  Brotherhood. 
Mr.  Meehan  was  a  young  man  of  brilliant  parts  and  was  editor 
of  the  "Irish  American,"  then  the  leading  Irish  paper  in  New 
York  City.  Mr.  Dunne  was  associated  with  a  Mr.  Fuller  in 
business  in  the  West  and  was  a  prominent  merchant.  Messrs. 
Meehan  and  Dunne  were  sent  to  Ireland  to  personally  investi- 
gate the  condition  of  affairs  there.  It  is  true  that  many  others 
had  been  sent  on  a  similar  errand  before,  but  those  men  were 
instructed  to  particularly  and  critically  examine  into  the  stand- 
ing of  the  organization,  the  number  of  men  enrolled  in  the  prov- 
inces, their  efficiency,  quantity  of  arms  on  hand,  etc.,  and,  if 
on  their  return  their  report  should  be  favorable,  then  the  entire 
organization  in  America,  which  for  some  time  previous  had  not 
been  entirely  harmonious,  would  unite  in  sending  ample  finan- 
cial means  sufficient  to  complete  the  organization  and  make 
ready  for  the  rising.  In  addition  to  this  an  elaborate  financial 
scheme  involving  an  issue  of  bonds  of  the  Irish  Republic  had 
been  arranged  for  and  the  issue  of  those  bonds  depended  on 
the  report  to  be  made  by  Messrs,  Meehan  and  Dunne  on  their 
return   to   America 

Meehan  brought  with  him  certain  documents  consisting  of  an 
official  letter  of  introduction  from  John  CMabony  addressed 
to  James  Stephens,  Chief  Executive  of  the  Irish  Republican 
Brotherhood,  also  a  draft  for  £500  ($2,500),  which  was  to  be 
handed  to  Stephens  and  a  letter  fi'om  O'Mahony  requesting  that 
O'Donovan  Rossa  be  permanently  assigned  to  the  New  York 
headquarters.  Rossa  was  returning  to  Ireland  on  board  the 
vessel  on  which  Meehan  and  Dunne  sailed  from  New  York  and 
accompanied     them     across. 

Mr.  Meehan  was  several  days  in  Ireland  before  he  appeared 
in  Dublin,  and  through  some  mischance  lost  the  documents  at 
Kingstown  on  the  day  of  his  arrival.  He  said  he  had  brought 
them  across  concealed  in  the  hollow  back  of  a  clothes  brush. 
When  he  got  ready  to  present  them  he  took  them  out  and  at 
first  concealed  them  in  one  of  his  socks,  but  not  believing  them 
safe  there  removed  them  and  pinned  them  in  his  underwear, 
from  which  they  became  detached  and  fell  in  the  street  unob- 
served    by     him. 

The  documents  were  found  near  the  railway  station  in  Kings- 
town hj  a  messenger  boy  who  turned  them  over  to  a  Miss  Char- 
lotte Mitchell,  a  5'oung  woman  employed  in  the  Telegraph 
Department,  who  at  the  trial  testified  they  were  placed  in  the 
hands    of    a    police    inspector    who    took    them    to    Dublin    Castle. 

The  loss  of  those  papers,  together  with  the  seizure  of  the 
Irish  People  newspaper  and  the  arrest  an-d  conviction  of  its 
editors  and  other  employes  caused  an  immense  sensation.  It 
was     undoubtedly     a     most     unfortunate    occurrence,    but    now    after 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        103 

Duffy  and  he  walked  on  together,  and  Roantree 
walked  with  me.  Roantree  had  known  Meehan  in 
New  York,  too.  The  first  words  he  said  to  me  Avere 
that  he  believed  Meehan  never  lost  the  papers,  and 
to  tell  the  Captain  so,  and  not  to  let  him  out  of  my 
custody. 

''No,"  said  I,  ''don't  fear  that.  I  shall  take  charge 
of  him  until  the  papers  are  found/' 

Stephens  was  awaiting  our  return.  I  told  him  of 
the  fruitless  search  we  had  made.  After  a  short  par- 
ley, Meehan  said  he  would  go,  and  was  in  the  act  of 
doing  so  when  I  stopped  him  and  told  him  he  could 
not  leave  until  the  papers  were  found. 

I  could  see  Stephens  smile  as  he  walked  away.  He 
came  back  after  a  few  minutes  and  took  me  aside  and 
said : 

"I  think  it  is  better  to  let  him  go.  He  has  promised 
me  to  do  what  is  in  his  power  for  us." 

From  what  I  could  gather  from  both  Meehan  and 
Dunne  it  appeared   that   all   depended   on   the   report 

an  interval  of  forty  years  it  is  universally  conceded  that  Meehan 
lost  the  papers  through  an  excess  of  care  in  trying  to  conceal 
them.* 

James  Stephens,  at  one  time,  was  inclined  to  severely  blame  Meehan,  but 
he  after\yards  exhonorated  him  as  far  as  anything  like  a  suspicion  of  un- 
faithfulness to  Ireland  was  concerned.  Leaving  out  this  episode  of  the 
lost  documents,  P.  J.  Meehan  was  one  of  the  most  unselfish  and  devoted 
men  that  ever  labored  for  Ireland.  He  may  have  been  mistaken  in  his 
views  regarding  the  invasion  of  Canada,  but  his  honesty  and  sincerity  can 
never  be  questioned.  Possessing  ample  means  in  those  days,  he  devoted 
the  bulk  of  his  fortune  to  the  prosecution  of  the  cause  he  believed  in  and 
died  a  comparatively  poor  man  on  that  account.  He  died  at  his  residence 
in  Jersey  City  in  1906.  Mr.  P.  W.  Dunne,  now  an  honored  citizen  of  Chicago, 
whose  son  is  Mayor  of  that  city  can  look  back  with  pride  on  his  patriotic 
career.  He  has  always  been  faithful  to  Ireland,  and  though  he  has  been 
engaged  many  times  in  his  life  in  business  of  vast  dimensions  he  was  never 
so  busy  as  to  forget  his  native  land  or  to  find  time  to  work  in  its  behalf. 
Faithful  to  the  end  he  is  still  as  ardent  and  enthusiastic  as  ever  in  his  de- 
votion to  Ireland. 

*  See  Appendix  XCI,  Pages  292--^93. 


104  A    PERSONAL    NARRATIVE   OF   THE 

which  Meehan  would  make.  If  favorable  the  united 
forces  of  the  two  sections  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood 
in  the  United  States  would  join,  and  give  us  all  we 
desired.  The  lost  documents  consisted  of  a  bank  draft 
for  a  large  sum  and  letters  of  credentials. 

I  then  asked  Meehan  not  to  blame  me  for  the  action 
I  took  in  the  matter.  That  up  to  the  present  I  under- 
stood we  were  a  military  organization,  and  although 
not  in  the  field,  we  had  observed  the  rules  in  such 
matters,  but  I  found  I  was  mistaken.  What  would  a 
British  general  do  to  an  aide  who  came  up  to  him  and 
told  him  he  had  lost  important  dispatches  given  to 
him  by  Wellington?  He  would  send  him  to  the 
guardhouse  to  await  court  martial. 

Next  day  P.  W.  Dunne  introduced  me  to  a  friend  and 
business  partner  of  his.  They  had  some  bills  of  ex- 
change to  get  cashed,  and  I  took  them  to  the  Dublin  branch 
of  the  London  bank,  where  I  used  to  do  business  and  fi:et 
accommodation. 

Stephens  arranged  a  meeting  for  the  next  evening 
to  hear  Meehan 's  statement  of  his  case.  General 
Halpin,  Meehan  and  P.  W.  Dunne,  Luby,  John 
O'Leary,  and  the  Captain  himself  were  present.  The 
first  three  represented  the  American  wing,  and  the 
last  three  the  home  wing.  Edward  Duffy,  Rossa,  and 
myself  were  present,  sitting  by. 

Meehan  stated  he  had  been  sent  to  learn  if  every- 
thing was  according  to  representation — men,  arms, 
organization,  etc.,  and  it  depended  on  the  report  he 
would  make  on  his  return,  what  action  the  American 
directory  would  take.  If  his  report  was  favorable  we 
could  have  all  we  desired.  The  meeting  broke  up 
early  next  morning.  Meehan  declared  he  was  fully 
satisfied,  and  said  he  would  report  accordingly.  After 
spending  a  couple  of  days  in  Dublin,  Meehan  and 
party  left  for  the  west,  Connemara,  etc.,  via  Lime- 
rick, where  they  stopped  for  a  week  or  so. 

In  a  few  days  ''The  Irish  People"  was  seized,  and 
all  persons  in  the  office  arrested.  We  learned  after- 
w^ards  Meehan's  papers  were  found  in  Kingstown  tel- 
egraph office  by  a  young  lady,  the  daughter  of  the 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        105 

manager,  who  handed  them  over  to  the  castle  authori- 
ties* 

All  the  moneys  coming  from  America  were  now 
sent  to  John  O'Leary,  and  the  officers  and  men  re- 
ported to  General  Halpin.  Up  to  a  short  time  before 
this  thev  were  all  sent  to  me.     Stephens  sent  a  bill  of 


JOHN  O'LEARY. 

exchange  to  me  by  Edward  Dufify  and  asked  me  to 
have  it  cashed.  I  did  not  look  at  the  bill,  but  went 
immediately  to  the  bank,  and  deposited  it.  These 
bills  of  exchange  had  to  be  sent  to  London  before 
they  could  be  cashed.  Two  days  after  I  was  sent  for 
by  the  cashier  of  the  bank.  He  asked  me  if  I  did  not 
know  that  this  was  the  duplicate  bill  of  exchange, 
that  I  had  already  got  the  first  cashed.  This  cashier 
was   not   the   one    I   had   done   business   with   before, 

*  See  Appendix  XVI,  Page  193. 


io6  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

whose  name  was  Mauley,  and  who  was  in  London  on 
his  vacation. 

I  was  asked  to  step  into  the  office.  There  were 
three  gentlemen  sitting  there.  One  of  them  had  the 
bill  in  his  hand,  and  asked  me  did  not  I  receive  pay- 
ment on  the  first  bill  of  exchange,  and  why  I  pre- 
sented the  duplicate ;  the  sum  being  large,  how  could 
I  make  the  mistake?  I  told  him  the  money  did  not 
belong  to  me,  that  it  belonged  to  gentlemen  I  had 
introduced  to  Mr.  .Manley,  and  who  had  deposited 
some  bills  of  exchange  and  got  som.e  cash.  Before 
they  left  fown  they  requested  me  to  deposit  any  bills 
that  might  come  to  me.  I  told  them  if  Mr.  Manley 
was  present  he  could  account  for  the  mistake.  They 
talked  together  in  an  undertone,  and  handed  back  the 
bill. 

''I  wish,"  said  I,  ''you  would  make  some  inquiry 
about  me.  I  am  well  known  in  the  neighborhood," 
and  referred  them  to  houses  I  did  business  with. 

"We  have  done  so  already,"  said  the  one  who 
handed  me  back  the  bill,  "and  we're  glad  to  find  your 
reputation  good." 

I  came  back  to  my  shop.  Ed  was  waiting  for  me. 
I  told  him  the  circumstances  and  the  dilemma  in 
which  I  was  placed.  He  was  dumbfounded  for  a  mo- 
ment. "How,"  said  he,  "could  Stephens  make  such 
a  mistake?  It  is  monstrous  and  stupid.  If  it  were 
not  for  your  reputation  and  presence  of  mind  you 
would  be  held  for  swindling,  and  you  could  not  say 
a  word  for  yourself  in  defense." 

I  wrote  to  Meehan  at  the  hotel  in  Limerick,  where 
he,  Dunne,  and  Fuller  were  stopping,  asking  him  to 
write  me  a  letter  that  might  clear  me  if  there  was 
anything  more  about  the  matter,  but  I  never  received 
an  answer  nor  my  own  letter  back. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         107 


CHAPTER    XV. 


On  September  15th,  1865,  'The  Irish  People"  news- 
paper was  seized  by  the  Government,  its  type  de- 
stroyed, and  the  editors  and  printers,  am.'  many  prom- 
inent men  were  thrown  into  prison. 

There  was  a  great  lull  in  matters  at  this  time.  Ex- 
tra precautions  were  taken.  Every  suspicious  or  in- 
criminating paper  was  put  away,  and  everything  made 
ready  for  the  worst  that  might  follow. 

One  day  I  was  out  making  collections,  and  was  late 
in  coming  back  to  my  place.  Ed  Duffy  had  called, 
and  left  word  that  the  Captain  wanted  to  see  me  as 
soon  as  possible.  I  went  to  Fairfield  House.  The 
Captain  asked  me  where  I  had  been,  which  nettled 
me  a  little.  He  handed  me  a  package  and  some 
money. 

"Eind  Captain  Jim  Murphy,"  said  he,  ''and  give  him 
this.  Ed  was  looking  for  him,  but  could  not  find  him. 
He  must  leave  to-night  for  New  York.  Don't  let  this 
be  found  on  you,  as  it  is  a  hanging  matter;  tell  the 
same  to  Jim." 

He  then  gave  me  his  revolver  in  case  I  was  held  up. 
I  knew  what  to  do.  Ed  Duffy  came  with  me.  It 
was  past  eleven  o'clock  P.  M.  We  went  to  Phibs- 
borough,  where  Murphy's  lodgings  were,  changing 
cars  and  dismissing  our  last  one  at  the  viaduct.  I  had 
Ed  to  wait  here  for  me  while  I  looked  for  Jim.  It  was 
a  very  quiet  neighborhood,  and  all  appeared  to  be 
asleep.  There  was  no  one  to  be  seen.  I  got  to  the 
house  and  knocked  on  the  door,  but  received  no  re- 
sponse. Across  the  street  there  were  a  few  shade 
trees.     A  man  came  from  under  one  of  these,  and  I 


io8  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

saw  another  who  stayed  in  the  shade.  The  first  man 
came  over  to  me  and  asked : 

**Did  anyone  answer?'' 

"No,"  said   I,  "they  must  be  all   asleep,   Mr.  

may  not  have  got  home  yet,"  naming  the  proprietor, 
who  was  a  good  loyal  citizen. 

I  went  back  to  Ed,  and  the  other  joined  his  friend 
under  the  trees.  We  went  up  the  steps  at  the  via- 
duct to  the  canal,  and  turned  in  the  direction  of  Phibs- 
boro  bridge.  Prepared  for  trouble,  I  carried  the  par- 
cel in  one  hand  and  my  pistol  in  the  other,  and  told 
Ed  to  be  ready  for  any  emergency.  The  poor  fellow 
was  tired,  and  had  not  been  feeling  good  for  some 
time,  and  we  walked  slowly  on  that  account.  Soon 
we  heard  footsteps  behind  us,  and,  as  the  bridge  was 
some  distance,  we  thought  it  best  to  stand  and  wait. 
There  were  no  houses  along  here,  but  there  were 
back  entrances  to  the  houses  on  the  street  running 
parallel  to  the  canal.  Immediately  we  heard  the 
shrill  blast  of  a  dog-whistle  and  thought  we  were  to 
have  a  tussle,  but  that  was  all.  It  was  sounded  by 
someone  getting  in  the  back  way  of  his  house.  We 
felt  relieved,  and  walked  to  the  bridge.  A  poor  old 
fellow  with  a  covered  car  happened  to  be  passing  as 
we  got  on  the  bridge.  He  was  going  home,  and  at 
first  refused  to  take  us  up,  but  he  changed  his  mind 
on  being  offered  double  fare.  He  took  us  into  his 
cab ;  poor  Ed  was  used  up  after  climbing  the  stairs 
and  taking  the  long  walk  on  the  canal,  and  thought 
the  cab  was  a  godsend. 

We  got  at  last  to  Carey's  hotel  in  Lower  Bridge 
street,  and  found  our  man,  Captain  Jim,  talking  to 
Miss  Kelly,  the  young  lady  who  attended  there.  She 
was  a  trusty  friend  of  ours,  and  was  Jim's  fiancee.  I 
delivered  my  message.  Jim  said  it  was  hard  to  go  on 
such  short  notice,  but  it  must  be  attended  to.  He  left 
that  night,  and  arrived  safe  in  New  York  with  his 
message  to  John  O'Mahony,  later  he  returned  to  his 
post,  as  I  heard  some  time  after,  and  married  Miss 
Kelly.  On  that  trip  from  Dublin  to  New  York  and 
back    Captain    Murphy    made    the    quickest    time    on 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        109 

record  for  that  period.  Murphy  was  a  brave  man,  and 
remained  faithful  to  the  last.  He  died  a  few  years 
ago  in  New  York,     (i) 

We  returned  to  Stephens  and  reported,  and  after 
seeing  Ed  Duffy  in  safety  I  went  to  my  home.  It 
was  then  past  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  My  wife 
was  waiting  up  for  me  somewhat  excited.  She  told 
me  there  were  two  detectives  looking  for  me,  and  that 
Mr.  Marshall,  who  kept  the  hotel  next  door,  wished 
to  see  me  as  soon  as  I  got  back.  This  man  was  a 
conservative  and  a  staunch  loyalist.  I  did  not  call  on 
him.  My  wife  asked  me  if  there  was  anything  that 
would  compromise  me  about  the  house,  I  thought  not. 
I  never  kept  anything  that  could  do  so. 

Captain  James  Murphy  had  a  most  brilliant  record  in  the 
United  States  Army.  He  was  made  a  captain  in  the  20th 
Massachusetts  Regiment  by  merit  alone  in  July,  1861.  He 
drilled  Colonel  W.  Raymond  Lee,  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  Win- 
throp  Palfrey,  Major  Paul  J.  Revere,  the  Crownshields,  Oliver 
Wendell  Holmes,  Jr.,  afterwards  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Massachusetts,  and  now  judge  of  the  United  States  Su- 
preme Court;  Mayor  H.  L.  Abbott,  and  the  Putnams  and 
Lowells  of  that  State.  He  acquired  the  warm  esteem  of  all 
his  comrades  and  during  his  long  period  of  service  received 
several  wounds,  an  especially  severe  one  at  Mary's  Heights, 
on  May  3,  1863.  He  was  discharged  for  disability  in  conse- 
quence of  his  wounds  and  received  a  pension  on  that  account. 
Captain  Murphy  was  a  sergeant  in  the  4th  United  States 
Artillery  at  the  age  of  18,  was  stationed  at  Port  Independence, 
Boston,  from  1854  to  1856,  served  in  the  Seminole  campaign  In 
Florida  under  Gen.  W.  S.  Harney  and  was  on  duty  in  Kansas 
during  the  troubled  period  of  "Border  Ruffianism."  He  crossed 
the  plains  from  Fort  Leavenworth  to  Fort  Bridges  in  1858, 
subsequently  served  again  in  Florida  in  1858,  served  again  in 
Florida  and  was  one  of  the  forty-five  men  who  held  Fort 
Pickens  from  January  10  to  May,  1861,  under  the  gallant 
General  Adam  T.  Slemmer,  afterwards  killed  at  Chickamauga. 
When  reinforcements  arrived  the  brave  little  band,  completely 
worn  out,  was  sent  North,  and  those  who  composed  it  were 
presented  with  medals  as  a  reward  of  their  valor  by  the  New 
York  Chamber  of  Commerce.  Capt.  Murphy  fought  at  York- 
town,  Fairoaks,  Westpoint,  Peach  Orchard,  Savage  Station, 
Glendale,  Malvern  Hill  and  Fredericksburg.  After  the  war  he 
was  appointed  superintendent  of  national  cemeteries,  and  In 
1890  was  made  deputy  collector  of  internal  revenue  for  the 
first  district  of  New  York.  All  through  his  life  he  was  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  Ireland.    He  died  in  New  York  on  Nov.  2,  1891. 


no  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

''What  are  these?"  said  she.  pulling-  out  a  bale  of 
pamphlets — a  lot  of  Chas.  Beggs'  ''Military  Re- 
sources of  Ireland."  "Let  us  destroy  them,  they  are 
no  good  now." 

We  hauled  them  down  to  the  kitchen,  and  burned 
them.  This  was  a  tedious  job,  as  there  were  about 
four  or  five  hundred  of  them,  but  we  succeeded  and 
put-  the  ashes,  into  the  vault.  Aly  wife  had  discharged 
our  domestic  a  few  da3's  before.  So  there  was  no  one 
in  the  house  but  ourselves.  We  were  ready  now  if 
the  enemy  came. 

It  was  then  about  six  o'clock.  We  set  about  get- 
ting breakfast  ready.  My  wife  asked  could  I  not  flv  and 
save  myself. 

"No,"  said  I,  "the  order  of  the  day  is  that  no  one 
shall  leave." 

We  were  going  to  sit  down  to  our  meal  when  Detective 
Clifford,  accompanied  by  two  men,  entered. 

"Does  James  Deneiffe  stop  here?"  he  asked. 

"No,"  I  answered. 

"What's  your  name?" 

"Joseph,"  said  I. 

"You  are  the  man  we  want.  I  arrest  you  in  the 
Queen's  name,  for  high  treason." 

"Are  you  not  making  a  mistake?"  said  I. 

"Oh  no,  but  I  am  sorry  to  see  a  respectable  man 
like  you  connected  with  such  people." 

"If  you  came  to  arrest  me  I  wish  you  would  do  so, 
and  cease  your  lecturing  me." 

"I  must  search  your  house." 

"All  right,  I  shall  give  you  all  the  assistance  in  my 
power." 

During  this  colloquy,  one  of  his  fellows  rushed  into 
the  room,  holding  out  his  hand  and  exclaiming,  "No 
use  searching,  they  have  done  away  with  everything, 
the  kitchen  grate  is  red  hot,  look  at  my  hands." 

I  could  not  help  laughing  at  his  blistered  hands. 
He  was  the  meanest  piece  of  humanity  I  had  ever 
seen.  He  saw  an  escritoire,  belonging  to  my  wife, 
and  asked  me  to  open  it.  He  took  out  some  letters. 
In    lookin'g"  over   them,    he    exclaimed,  "They    speak 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        iii 

French,  here  are  a  lot  of  letters  in  that  language." 

I  told  him  if  he  knew  anything  about  French  he 
would  be  less  gleeful  over  the  discovery. 

My  wife  was  standing  by  my  side  when  he  ap- 
proached her.  I  seized  the  carving  knife  and  went  be- 
tween them,  resolved  to  attack  anyone  who  laid 
hands  on  her. 

Clifford,  seeing  this,  called  them  off,  and  said  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  Mrs.  Deneiffe.  I  must  say  Clif- 
ford acted  as  gentlemanly  as  I  could  expect,  but  the 
other  two,  and  particularly  the  imp  who  burned  his 
hand,  were  low  ruffians.  I  vowed  if  ever  I  came 
across  him^  elsewhere  I  would  remember  his  brutal 
conduct.  Such  were  the  servants  in  the  pay  of  Her 
Majesty.  England  may  boast  of  her  humane  laws, 
but  they  are  only  a  sham. 

When  they  brought  me  into  the  street  it  was 
crowded.  I  was  immediately  taken  to  College  street 
station,  where  Clifford  went  through  some  legal  for- 
malities, and  handed  the  inspector  three  revolvers 
and  a  bowie  knife,  which  he  said  he  found  in  my  place. 
I  knew  of  one  only,  the  others  belonged  to  two  Amer- 
ican friends  named  Hyland  and  O'Brien,  who  were  stop- 
ping with  me,  and  who  had  left  a  few  days  before.  They 
had  left  the  revolvers  concealed  in  the  bottoms  of  two 
chairs  in  their  room,  I  knew  nothing  about  them. 

While  standing  there  waiting  for  something  or 
other,  the  officers  present  amused  themselves  at  my 
expense,  commenting  on  the  quality  of  the  latest  im- 
proved arms  they  found.  ''Oh !  nothing  but  the  best, 
the  most  improved !" 

I  remarked  I  wished  there  could  be  some  improve- 
ment made  in  the  unmanly  and  unfeeling  conduct  of 
Stalworths  like  them,  taunting  a  prisoner  with  cow- 
ardly insult  before  the  charge  was  proven. 

I  was  soon  committed  and  placed  in  a  cell,  which 
was  a  water  closet.  Soon  I  heard  footsteps  pacing  up  and 
down  outside.  I  would  have  given  anything  for  a 
smoke.  There  was  a  hole  through  the  top  part  of  the 
door,  through  which  I  could  see  a  policercian.  I  asked 
could  h"e  get  me  some'  tobacco. 


112  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

''Keep  quiet,"  said  he,  ''and  wait  a  minute."  He 
come  to  me  in  a  short  time,  and  handed  me  a  pipe 
and  a  match. 

"Stand  up  on  the  closet,  and  let  the  smoke  out  at 
the  top,"  he  said,  and  vanished.  That  simple  act  com- 
forted and  cheered  me.  Evidently  all  was  not  rotten 
and  perverted. 

After  some  delay,  I  was  removed  to  Richmond 
Bridewell.  My  mind  was  made  up  for  the  worst,  and 
so  I  became  contented.  I  had  nothing  to  accuse  my- 
self of  and  felt  cheerful.  The  cause  was  not  given 
up,  and  hope  was  bright  as  ever. 

When  I  entered  my  cell  it  did  not  take  long  to 
see  the  layout;  an  iron  bedstead  and  a  block  of  wood 
to  sit  on.  When  night  came  I  would  receive  my  bed  and 
covering.  The  aperture  that  furnished  light  was 
about  eight  feet  from  the  floor,  being  out  of  reach,  it 
could  only  be  opened  by  a  rod.  Everything  was  se- 
cure. 

The  warder  in  charge,  whose  name  was  Lennon, 
soon  came  back,  and  handed  me  something  to  read. 
I  found  it  was  a  series  of  evangelistic  tracts.  This 
man  appeared  to  mc  to  have  some  kindness  in  him,  as 
he  had  a  good  face.  Whatever  his  duties  were  he 
performed  them  in  a  quiet,  inoffensive  manner.  The 
touch  of  kindness  I  had  experienced  from  the  police- 
man gave  me  hope  that  all  were  not  heartless 
in  the  service  of  the  Crown.  I  made  up  my  mind  to 
live  up  to  the  prison  rules,  and  take  my  punishment 
without  a  murmur.  I  concluded  there  was  no  use 
kicking,  and  philosophically  accepted  the  situation : 
thus  the  first  evening  closed.  My  bed  was  thrown  in 
with  the  covering  nicely  folded. 

"You  will  have  to  fold  these  in  the  same  way  you 
see  them  now,  and  have  them  ready  to  be  taken  away 
in  the  morning  when  the  gong  sounds  the  second  time," 
said  the  warder,  leaving  me  to  study  my  task. 

I  fixed  up  as  quickly  as  I  could,  for  I  was  very  tired 
after  the  day's  exploit. 

After  getting  fixed  for  the  night,  "Where  are  the 
others,  and  will  I  see  any  of  them,"  Avere  the  thoughts 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        113 

that  occupied  my  mind,  after  a  longing  wish  and  a 
prayer  that  I  might  see  my  wife,  and  hear  how  mat- 
ters were  shaping  themselves. 

When  the  gong  sounded  next  morning,  I  had  my 
bed  and  bedding  ready.  After  it  was  taken  away 
breakfast  was  served ;  cofifee  and  bread.  I  inquired  of 
the  warder  if  any  food  would  be  allowed  from  the 
outside. 

"Yes,"  said  he,  ''if  you  are  married,  your  wife  can 
bring  you  anything  you  desire." 

"Well,"  said  I,  "I'm  all  right,  I  will  have  a  good 
dinner  then." 

I  saw  my  cheerfulness  was  making  a  good  impres- 
sion on  the  warder,  and  I  asked  him  could  I  get  any 
books  in,  and  he  told  me  to  ask  the  governor  when  I 
went  down  to  see  my  wife.  Matters  began  to 
brighten  up  a  little  and  I  felt  good. 

At  one  o'clock  the  cell  doors  were  thrown  open, 
and  all  the  prisoners  ordered  out  for  exercise.  We 
had  to  stand  opposite  our  doors  until  the  word  march 
was  given.  To  my  great  surprise,  I  found  my  friend, 
James  O'Connor,  was  my  next  door  neighbor.  We 
had  a  recognition.  The  sm.ile  that  came  up  on  both 
of  our  faces  could  not  be  interpreted  by  anyone  but 
ourselves,  for  it  spoke  volumes.  We  were  soon  in  the 
yard,  formed  into  a  circle  about  three  or  four  feet 
apart;  no  conversation  was  allowed.  The  warder  and 
a  policeman  standing  by  to  enforce  discipline. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  there  was  a  great  deal 
passed  from  one  to  another  in  a  mute  language  only 
known  to  ourselves,  and  there  was  not  a  sad  face  in 
all  the  circle,  on  the  contrary,  all  looked  jolly  and 
dignified. 

Patrick  J.  Hayburn,  whom  I  knew  well  was  one  of 
the  circle.  His  laugh  was  contagious.  He  was  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  circle  from  me  and  O'Connor. 
His  eyes  were  set  on  both  of  us,  and  when  he  saw  the 
warder's  attention  taken  from  us,  he  was  sure  to  dis- 
play some  antics  which  caused  a  titter  all  around. 
After  an  hour  had  passed  we  were  brought  back  to 
our  cells 


114  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

Shortly  after  I  was  called  down  to  the  governor's 
room  to  see  my  wife,  who  had  a  nice  roast  chicken 
for  me,  and  in  our  greeting  passed  me  a  ping  of  to- 
bacco. We  were  allowed  a  few  minutes  together,  the 
governor  sitting  close  to  us.  She  had  a  message  from 
P.  J.  Smith,  who  volunteered  his  services  to  me  as  attor- 
ney to  look  after  my  business  outside.  I  told  her  to  see 
Ed  Duffv  and  be  guided  by  him. 

When  told  our  interview  was  at  an  end,  I  asked  the 
governor  could  I  get  some  books.  "Yes,"  he  said,  *'any 
book  the  chaplain  approves  of  will  be  admitted. 

''Can  I  have  Shakespeare,  Byron,  Moore,  and  Camp- 
bell?" 

"Yes,  you  can  have  any  of  those."  Next  day  I  got  all 
of  them  and  enjoyed  reading  selections  from  them.  This 
was  how  my  first  day  and  night  were  spent  in  jail,  all  the 
others  were  passed  in  about  the  sanie  way,  excepting  one 
or  two  which  I  will  notice  and  also  how  w^e  spent  the  Sab- 
bath Da}^ 

On  Sunday  we  were  allowed  to  go  to  our  respective 
places  of  worship,  according  to  our  faith  or  religious 
beliefs.  We  were  brought  to  the  gallery  of  the  chapel, 
which  was  so  arranged  that  the  row  in  front  could  not 
see  those  behind,  nor  the  prisoners  behind  those  in 
front. 

When  we  got  seated  I  found  Denis  Dowling  Mul- 
cahy  nextj  on  ni}^  right,  and  James  O'Connor  on  my 
left.  Our  devotions  took  -the  shape  of  a  conversation 
in  undertone,  between  the  solemn  parts  of  the  mass. 
This  was  an  hour  well  enjoyed,  and  lasted  without 
change  during  my  stay  in  the  institution. 

The  lower  part  or  ground  floor  contained  all  the 
petty  malefactors  such  as  thieves  and  all  that  class. 
Amongst  these  Martin  A.  O'Brennan  chose  to  be 
placed  We  were  surprised  to  see  him  there.  We 
found  afterwards  he  was  afraid  he  would  compromise 
himself  if  he  came  amongst  us. 

I  think  it  was  the  third  Sunday  we  were  treated  to  a 
pastoral  circular,  or  whatever  it  was  by  Cardinal  Cul- 
len.  Before  Father  Bently,  the  chaplain,  read  it  for  us, 
he  said  he  read  it  over  and  over_,  and  left  out  some  re- 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         115 

marks  which  he  thought  would  not  be  pleasing  to 
some  of  his  hearers.  He  was  quite  nervous.  We  could 
notice  the  paper  shaking  in  his  hand.  He  was  obliged 
to  read  it  for  us,  he  said,  as  it  was  to  be  read  in  all  the 
churches  in  the  city  on  that  day.  From  beginning  to 
end  it  was  a  denunciation  of  us,  which  was  all  very 
well,  until  he  came  to  the  passage  that  said  there  was 
not  one  in  the  whole  business  that  could  make  a  liv- 
ing for  himself.  AVe  agreed  in  an  undertone  that  it  was 
cowardly  and  a  lie.  Mulcahy  was  going  to  leave.  I 
asked  him  to  hear  it  all  out.  His  leaving  would  do 
no  good,  and  be  considered  insubordination.  James 
O'Connor  laughed,  and  said  that  settled  it.  After  talk- 
ing the  matter  over,  whether  to  attend  any  more,  we 
concluded  that  an  hour  of  undisturbed  chat  together, 
all  things  considered,  was  not  to  be  thrown  away. 

Some  time  after  this,  Lennon  asked  me  if  I  would 
like  to  read  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  Ireland.  I 
said  yes,  and  he  brought  it  to  me.  I  looked  it  over 
and  saw  the  margins  and  spaces  through  the  pages 
all  written  over.  The  notes  were  half  Irish,  and 
pointed  to  Lennon  as  their  author.  The  book  belonged 
to  the  chaplain,  and  had  been  lent  to  O'Brennan.  Af- 
ter a  short  time  the  chaplain  himself  called  with  Len- 
non, who  introduced  his  Reverence  to  me. 

"I  am  sorry  I  cannot  ask  you  to  sit  down,"  said  I, 
''but  you  see  it  would  be  a  very  ungracious  compli- 
ment. I  cannot  help  it.  This  book,"  I  went  on,  "is  in 
a  mutilated  condition  and  was  so  when  I  received  it 
from  the  warder. 

"That  is  that  old  fool,  O'Brennan,"  said  he. 

"Father,  why  don't  you  come  around  oftener  and  see 
your  flock,"  said  I  to  him. 

"I  thought,"  said  he,  "ye  were  all  a  lot  of  ragamuf- 
fins." 

"Even  so,"  said  I,  "were  we  such,  did  not  the  Sav- 
iour die  for  all  men,  but  I  tell  you  if  the  Saviour  had 
not  put  his  mark  deeply  on  the  hearts  of  the  Irish  peo- 
ple they  would  all  leave  the  church  that  is  noAv  domi- 
nated by  politicians." 

"Oh,  don't  say  that,"  said  he,  and  left.    This  gentle- 


ii6  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

man  was  a  brother  of  Bently,  the  auctioneer,  one  of 
the  castle  gentry,  but  was  a  convert  and  was  disowned 
by  his  family,  as  I  heard  afterwards. 

Another  item  I  wish  to  give,  we  were  all  at  exercise 
one  day  when  Charles  Underwood  O'Connell  was 
brought  in.  It  happened  I  was  on  the  far-off  side  of 
the  circle  when  he  entered  the  prison  yard.  He  had 
been  arrested  in  Cork,  on  his  arrival  from  New 
York,  and  letters  for  Stephens  were  found  in 
his  possession.  He  walked  across  the  circle  to 
me,  and  held  out  his  hand  and  asked  me  how  I  was. 
That  was  very  injudicious  on  his  part,  and  likely  to  be 
harmful  to  both  of  us. 

''You  might  reserve  your  compliments,"  said  I,  "for 
a  better  opportunity." 

The  warder  noticed  this  incident,  and  said  it  was  his 
duty  to  report  the  fact  that  we  were  acquainted  and 
recognized  each  other,  but,  being  a  good  man,  he  only 
commented  on  the  danger  men  placed  themselves  in 
by  such  associations.  Judas  came  to  mind,  but 
I  knew  him  to  be  a  sycophant  and  full  of  vanity,  and 
let  the  matter  rest. 

John  J.  Breslin  was  connected  with  the  prison,  but  I 
was  not  acquainted  with  him  until  after  I  was  arrested  and 
imprisoned.  He  was  the  hospital  warder  and  always  ac- 
companied the  physician  and  surgeon  on  their  rounds.  He 
also  acted  as  apothecary,  prepared  the  prescriptions  and 
treated  any  patients  needing  his  care. 

He  was  treating  James  O'Connor  for  his  eyes, 
the  glare  from  the  white-washed  walls  having  af- 
fected them.  John  would  come  round  after  the  phy- 
sician had  gone,  and  while  Avashing  O'Connor's  eyes 
would  deliver  all  the  ney^s  from  the  outside,  together 
with  scraps  and  cuttings  of  newspapers.  These  clip- 
pings were  passed  around  surreptitiously,  and  thus  we 
were  kept  posted  on  the  news  of  the  day.  AVe  found 
out  a  way  for  transmitting  these  scraps  from  one  to 
another,  without  letting  it  be  known  where  they  came 
from,  so  Breslin's  visits  to  James  O'Connor  were 
known  only  to  him  and  me.  He  called  regularly  every 
morning,  and  was  always  pleasant  and  kind. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD. 


117 


Lennon.  the  warder,  spoke  to  me  again  about  Char- 
ley Underwood  O'Connell.  (i)  It  appeared  to  me  he 
was  uneasy  in  his  mind  about  not  doing  his  duty,  and 
wanted  to  know  how  I  got  acquainted  with  him. 


JOHN  J.  BRESLIN. 


"You  know,"  I  said,  "I  am  in  the  merchant  tailoring 
business.  A  friend  brought  him  in  one  day,  and  I 
made  him  a  suit  of  clothes." 

''That  will  do,"  said  he,  smiling.  He  appeared  to  be 
satisfied  with  my  explanation,  and  never  spoke  of 
him  again. 

(1)  Charles  Underwood  O'Connell  was  one  of  three  Cork 
Centres,  the  two  others  being-  James  O'Connor  and  Bryan 
Dillon,  all  three  of  whom,  subsequently,  were  arrested  and 
convicted.    They  were  imprisoned  in  Pentonville  and  Portland. 


:ig  ■     A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

A  few  days  later  Warder  Lennon  came  into  my  cell, 
and  told  me  that  Stephens  had  been  arrested  cUiring 
the  night,  and  had  just  been  brought  in.  He  said  this 
with  some  feeling.  I  was  very  much  disturbed,  but 
kept  cool  and  asked  where  they  had  found  him. 
"In  Fairfield  House,  with  three  or  four  others." 

I  knew  then  he  was  correct  in  what  he  said,  but  the 
news  shook  my  hopes  somewhat,  which  up  to  this  had 
been  very  strong.  "AVho  was  the  wretch  this  time?" 
was  the  first  thought  that  struck  my  mind. 

Next  day  we  had  all  the  particulars.  Pierce  Nagle, 
an  employe  in  the  mailing  room  of  ''The  Irish  Peo- 
ple" office,  and  clerk  of  St.  Laurence  OToole's  church, 
was  the  informer,  and  had  for  some  time  been  giving 
information  to  the  government.  The  day  following 
there  were  six  of  us  brought  before  Justice  Strong,  in 
the  castle  yard,  to  be  identified  by  Nagle.  We  were 
arraigned  on  a  long  bench  with  three  others,  outsiders 
or  new  arrivals  whom  we  did  not  know. 

After  waiting  a  short  time  a  curtain  was  drawn 
aside  close  by  where  the  magistrate  sat,  and  Pierce 
Nagle  confronted  us.    Strong  asked  him, 

''Do  you  know  any  of  these  men  ?" 

Nagle  looked  along  the  line,  glancing  at  each,  and 
after  a  pause  said, 

"Yes,  I  know  the  three  on  the  extreme  right." 

"Look  again,  and  see  if  you  can  identify  the  others." 

He  looked  again  up  and  down,  "No,"  said  he. 

He  stepped  back,  the  curtain  was  drawn  to  again, 
concealing  him.  The  three  men  whom  he  had  recog- 
nized were  unknown  to  us. 

"Mrs.  Nagle  saved  me,"  said  I  to  myself,  for  the 
wretch  knew  me  well. 

About  a  Aveek  or  so  before  my  arrest  Mrs.  Nagle  and 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD. 


iig 


young  James  Haltigan,  whose  father,  before  his  arrest, 
lived  with  the  Nagles,  called  on  me  at  my  home.  It 
was  Sunday,  my  wife  and  I  were  sitting  together  just 
after  dinner  when  they  arrived.  Mrs.  Nagle  said  all 
the  Prisoners'  Fund  was  exhausted,  and  they  had  no 
money  with  which  to  buy  provisions  for  them.  I  gave 
her  a  sovereign,  and  told  her  I  would  see  some  of  the 
men  that  evening  about  the  matter.     I   presume   she 


JAMES  HALTIGAN. 
(From  a  Recent  Photograph) 


told  her  husband,  and  to  this  circumstance  I  attributed 
her  husband's  reticence  in  my  regard. 

There  had  been  no  pointed  suspicion  of  Nagle  pre- 
vious to  that,  but  a  few  days  before,  as  Mrs.  Nagle  and 
Mrs.  Hannigan  were  going  to  the  prison  with  a  basket 


120  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

of  food  for  the  destitute  prisoners,  Dawson  and  two 
other  detectives  met  them.  Mrs.  Hannigan  was  one  of 
the  Women's  Committee  who  attended  to  this  matter. 
Her  husband  was  a  sculptor,  one  of  Denis  Cromien's 
men. 

Detective  Dawson  accosted  Mrs.  Nagle  and  said  he 
wanted  to  speak  to  her.  "If  you  have  anything  to  say 
to  me,"  said  she,  "say  it,  this  woman  is  an  intimate 
friend  of  mine,"  pointing  to  Mrs.  Hannigan. 

"What  I  have  to  say  is  strictly  private,  it  is  a  mes- 
sage from  your  husband." 

She  flew  to  him,  and,  after  a  moment,  turned  round 
and  told  Mrs.  Hannigan  she  would  see  her  later,  and 
went  with  Dawson.  After  Mrs.  Hannigan  had  deliv- 
ered her  basket  at  the  prison,  she  came  directly  to  me, 
told  me  all  I  have  stated,  and  said  she  feared  Nagle 
was  not  right.  This  was  the  first  indirect  intimation 
of  his  treachery  that  I  received.  I  went  directly  to 
Cronin,  head  of  the  cloth  department  at  Pim  Brothers, 
who  was  then  the  head  Centre  for  Dublin.  This  was 
on  a  Friday.     When  he  heard  the  story  he  said, 

"Who  can  we  depend  on  now?  What  do  you  ad- 
vise?" 

T  suggested  that  he  should  secure  or  secrete  any  papers 
he  might  have  and  get  away  for  a  day  until  we  would  see 
what  would  happen.  He  got  leave  of  absence  for  a  few 
days,  and  went  to  Liverpool.  The  day  after  he  left 
his  residence  was  searched,  and  his  department  in 
Pim's  overhauled.  I  have  never  since  heard  what  be- 
came of  him. 

Mrs.  Hannigan  was  one  of  the  great  souls  of  that 
time.  She  went  around  amongst  the  men  she  knew, 
warning  and  encouraging  them,  and  saved  some  of  the 
arms  that  were  hidden,  nearly  all  the  time  being  es- 
corted by  the  young  man  named  above,  James  Halti- 
gan,  whose  father,  the  printer  of  "The  Irish  People," 
was  then  a  prisoner,  and  who  was  afterwards  sen- 
tenced to  seven  years  penal  servitude. 

Lawless,  the  attorney  for  the  political  prisoners, 
came  to  me  one  day  on  his  rounds  through  the  cells, 
and  told  me  my  wife  and  her  sister,  Mrs.  Kavanagh, 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        121 

were  constantly  calling  on  him.  Mrs.  Kavanagh,  by 
the  way,  was  an  old  friend  of  his  wife. 

"They  want  me,"  he  said,  ''to  try  and  get  you  out  on 
bail.    You  know,"  he  said,  ''there  is  no  use  in  trying." 

"No,  I  am  too  sure  of  that,"  said  I,  "but  the  only 
way  you  can  convince  them  is  to  try,  and  then  they 
won't  disturb  you  any  more." 

"Well,"  said  he,  "among  the  next  batch  of  applicants 
for  bail  I  shall  send  in,  I  will  put  your  name  among 
them." 

In  a  day  or  two  after,  Denis  Bowling  Mulcahy  and 
he  came  into  my  cell.  Denis,  being  a  law  student,  was 
allowed  to  help  Lawless  take  the  depositions  of  the 
prisoners. 

He  handed  me  a  paper,  and  asked  me  could  I  sub- 
scribe to  it.    It  read,  among  other  things, — 

"I  am  not  a  Fenian  and  never  was.  None  of  the 
arms  found  on  my  premises  were  mine.  If  admitted 
to  bail  I  will  not  abscond." 

I  studied  it  for  a  minute  or  so,  and  said,  "I  can 
swear  to  the  first  and  third  conditions,  but  not  to  the 
second." 

"Why  not?"  said  Denis.  "I  would  if  I  were  in  your 
place." 

"Because  I  feel  I  cannot  conscientiously  do  so." 

"Then,"  said  Lawless,  "that  ends  it,"  and  was  about 
to  leave. 

"Can't  you  change  the  second  condition?"  said  I. 

"How?"  said  he. 

"Make  it  general,  and  not  particular.  If  you  put 
it  'Those  arms  are  not  mine,'  I  shall  swear  it." 

He  took  the  amendment  to  Isaac  Butt,  chief  counsel 
for  the  defense,  who  said,  "that  man  ought  to  be  in 
my  position  or  in  yours." 

Lawless  told  me  this  when  he  brought  me  the 
amended  form  to  sign. 

We  in  Ireland  were  not  Fenians,  as  we  were  in  ex- 
istence long  before  this  romantic  name  was  given  to 
the  American  wing,  by  John  O'Mahony,  we  were 
members  of  the  I.  R.  B.,  so  it  was  one  of  the  Colonel's 
whims  that  saved  me. 


12^      A  PERSON.\L.  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

While  taking  dinner  a  couple  of  days  after,  Lennon, 
the  warder,  rushed  in,  and  congratulated  me  that  I  was 
to  be  admitted  to  bail. 

"Don't  fool  me,"  I  said  to  him. 

''It  is  even  so,"  he  said,  ''come  and  see  Lawless 
yourself — he  is  attending  to  some  business  in  the  sec- 
ond cell  south." 

When  Lawless  saw  me  he  laughed,  and  shook  my 
hand,  saying  ''I  want  two  sureties  to  go  on  your 
bonds."  I  gave  him  the  names  of  James  Cantwell,  of 
the  Star  and  Garter,  and  Michael  Hogan,  of  Baggott 
Street  Bridge.  Two  days  after  I  was  released  on  bail. 
Among  others,  I  remember  Patrick  Hayburn  was  one 
of  the  lucky  ones  who  left  prison  with  me. 

My  wife  was  waiting  at  the  gate  of  the  jail  to  wel- 
come me,  and  I  can  truly  say  I  never  felt  more  happi- 
ness than  in  seeing  her  on  that  occasion,  and  I  know 
she  felt  equally  happy.  We  drove  to  the  residence  of 
her  sister.  Miss  Doyle,  in  Molesworth  street,  where  I 
was  heartily  welcomed,  and  my  release  made  a  matter 
of  rejoicing. 

As  soon  as  I  found  opportunity,  I  visited  my  shop, 
which  I  found  closed  and  empty,  and  my  business 
utterly  ruined. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         123 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


I  made  an  appointment  with  John  J.  BresUn  before 
leaving  the  jail,  lo  meet  him  that  evening  at  eight 
o'clock  in  Leeson  street.  We  met,  and  he  told  me  of 
the  efforts  they  were  making  to  get  Stephens  out. 
Next  day  I  saw  Colonel  Kelly  and  John  Devoy  who 
gave  me  the  particulars.  False  keys  were  being  made 
with  which  to  unlock  the  prison  doors,  and  arrange- 
ments were  under  way  looking  to  the  safe  concealment 
of  Stephens  until  he  could  be  got  out  of  the  country. 
My  friend,  Patrick  Durkin,  a  County  Mayo  man, 
whom  I  have  not  before  mentioned  up  to  this  time, 
was  very  active  in  the  movement.  It  was  in  his  place 
the  impression  of  the  prison  keys  were  taken  from 
which  the  false  keys  were  made.  He  was  a  grocer, 
and  did  a  good  business  for  Mr.  Hogan  at  Baggott 
Street  Bridge,  and  afterwards,  on  his  own  account,  in 
Brunswick  street.  He  was  best  man  at  my  marriage, 
and  a  great  friend  of  Edward  Duffy.  John  Flood  was 
another  who  was  assigned  to  the  work  of  rescuing 
Stephens.  He  was  in  disguise  when  I  met  him  in 
Grafton  street,  dressed  in  a  midshipman's  uniform.  I 
don't  think  his  brother  would  have  known  him.  He 
saluted  me,  and  told  me  to  follow  him  to  the  Star  and 
Garter.  He  was  jubilant  about  the  project  on  hand, 
as  all  arrangements  were  nearly  ready,  and  success 
seemed  assured. 

The  key  was  made  by  Michael  Lambert,  a  working  op- 
tician and  an  active  member  of  the  organization.  Mi. 
Lambert  still  resides  in  Dublin  and  Vv^as  recently  (June  3. 
1905)  the  recipient  of  a  handsome  testimonial  presented 
bv  his  friends  and  admirers. 


124  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

The  night  of  November  24,  1865,  was  the  date  assigned 
for  the  rescue  which  was  carried  out  successfully  and 
with  great  secrecy. 

Colonel  Kelly  originated  the  plan  of  escape,  which  could 
not,  however,  have  been  carried  out  were  it  not  for  the 
active  co-operation  of  two  members  of  the  I.  R.  B.  who 
held  positions  within  the  walls  of  the  Bridewell. 

These  men  were  John  J.  Breslin,  who  held  the  post  of 
hospital  warder,  and  Terence  Byrne,  an  ordinary  warder 
in  the  prison.  To  these  Colonel  Kelly  unfolded  his  plan ; 
and  although  its  carrying  out  entailed  enormous  risk  on 
the  part  of  Breslin,  he  did  not  for  a  moment  hesitate  when 
the  liberty  of  his  chief  was  concerned. 

The  principal  difficulty  was  to  procure  a  duplicate  of  the 
key  which  opened  Stephens'  cell,  which  was  kept  with 
others  in  the  Governor's  office.  Breslin,  with  great  dar- 
ing, succeeded  in  taking  an  impression  of  the  important 
key.  This  impression,  on  instructions  from  Colonel  Kelly, 
he  handed  over  to  Michael  Lambert,  who  lost  no  time  in 
fashioning  a  duplicate,  which  he  at  once  sent  back  to  his 
friend  Breslin. 

On  the  night  arranged  for  the  rescue  a  picked  party  of 
armed  men  from  the  ranks  of  the  I.  R.  B.  assembled  out- 
side the  walls  of  Richmond  Bridewell  somewhere  about 
midnight.  Colonel  Kelly  was  in  command,  and  the  night 
was  a  magnificent  one  for  his  purpose.  The  rain  came 
down  in  torrents,  the  wind  blew  great  guns.  Heaven's 
artillery  boomed  and  reverberated  through  the  deeps  of 
the  dark,  impenetrable  sky,  and  the  daring  Fenians  only 
saw  each  other's  faces  in  momentary  glances  by  the  light- 
ning flashes.  There  was  not  a  soul  abroad  but  themselves 
that  dreadful  night. 

Such  was  the  scene  outside  the  prison.  A  dozen  daring 
men  braving  the  fury  of  the  elements,  and  the  risk  of 
transportation,  through  the  fidelity  to  a  cause.  Inside  in 
the  ghastly,  dark  silence  of  the  prison,  broken  ominously 
by  the  crashing  and  rolling  of  the  thunder,  John  Breslin 
watched  the  minutes  creep  slowly  toward  the  hour  ap- 
pointed by  him  with  Colonel  Kelly  to  open  the  door  of 
Stephens'  cell  and  deliver  him  safely  into  the  charge  of 
him  and  his  companions. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        125 

The  appointed  hour,  one  o'clock,  at  last  arrived,  and 
Breslin  introduced  the  key  made  for  him  by  Michael  Lam- 
bert into  the  lock  of  the  Chief  Organizer's  prison  cell.  It 
did  its  work  just  as  well  as  if  it  were  the  original  key,  and 
James  Stephens,  led  by  Breslin,  lost  no  time  in  stealing 
rapidly,  but  cautiously,  along  the  gloomy  corridors.  In 
the  prison  yard  they  were  met  by  faithful  Terry  Byrne, 
who  had  two  tables  placed  on  top  of  eacK  other  against  the 


JOHN  FLOOD. 


wall,  by  the  aid  of  which,  and  a  rope  thrown  from  the 
other  side,  which  Breslin  and  Byrne  held  while  he  de- 
scended, James  Stephens  was  delivered  out  of  the  hands 
of  his  enemies  and  into  those  of  his  good  and  faithful 
friends. 

The  names  of  the  men  who  took  active  part  in  the  me- 
morable rescue   were:     Colonel  Thomas  J.   Kelly,  John 


126  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

Devoy,  Matt.  Neill,  Denis  Duggan,  William  Brophy,  John 
Harrison,  John  Mullon,  John  Lawlor,  John  Ryan,  Patrick 
Kearney,  Michael  Cody,  John  Flood  and  the  two  prison 
warders,  John  Breslin  and  Daniel  Byrne. 

Next  day  all  Dublin  w^as  agape.  The  Government  was 
astounded.  James  Stephens  had  secretly  and  successfully 
made  his  escape  from  his  closely  guarded  cell  in  Richmond 
Bridewell.  Consternation,  or  rejoicing,  as  the  case  might 
be,  was  on  every  face  as  they  read  the  news  bulletins. 
Immediately  a  reward  of  one  thousand  pounds  was  offered 
for  his  capture  or  for  information  leading  to  his  arrest, 
and  three  hundred  pounds  for  the  arrest  of  any  person 
harboring,  aiding,  or  assisting  himf 

The  second  day  after  his  escape,  Stephens  held  the 
largest  meeting  of  Centers  and  American  officers  he 
ever  held  in  Dublin.  He  met  provincial  Centers  from 
all  quarters  during  the  day,  and  the  night  session  was 
for  the  Dublin  Centers.  This  meeting  was  called  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  before  the  organization  the 
great  question,  "Shall  we  strike  now  or  wait?"  Each 
one  was  asked  in  his  turn  wdiat  he  thought  best  to  be 
done. 

I  was  more  than  surprised  when  Stephens  selected 
me  to  give  my  opinion  first.  I  told  him  I  had  only 
left  prison  two  days  before  he  did,  and  had  not  seen 
many  friends,  but  would  cast  my  vote  with  the  Amer- 
ican officers,  who  had  closely  investigated  the  situa- 
tion, and  were  well  posted  on  the  true  condition  of  af- 
fairs. All  the  Americans  and  all  the  Dublin  Centers 
expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  immediate  action 
until  he  came  to  Denis  Cromien,  who  was  the  only  one 
at  the  meeting  that  argued  and  voted  for  delay.  Ste- 
phens evidently  was  glad  that  our  opinion  was  not 
unanimous  and,  to  our  surprise,  endorsed  Cromien's 
views. 

Notwithstanding  the  majority  were  in  favor  of  im- 
mediate action,  and  our  discussion  took  up  consider- 
able time,  it  was  eventually  decided,  mainly  through 
Stephens'  influence,  that  we  would  postpone  the  rising 
and  wait.  This  resolution,  to  me,  seemed  simply  a 
hocus  pocus.     Stephens  plainly  did  not  want  to  fight, 

*  See  Appendix  XXIII,  Page  203  also  Appendix  XXVII,  Page  306. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         127 

and  I  made  up  my  mind  that  he  did  not  want  to  pro- 
ceed any  further;  in  fact,  I  concluded  then  and  there 
that  Stephens'  work  was  done,  and  his  usefulness 
ended  on  that  night  of  November  26,  1865. 

With  the  aid  of  informers  and  perjurers,  assisted  by 
prejudiced  or  packed  juries,  and  with  civil  laws  sus- 
pended, our  men  were  being  arrested,  tried  and  found 
guilty,  and  sentenced  to  life  imprisonment  or  for  long 


JAMES  STEPHENS. 

terms.  Few  escaped.  Edward  Duffy,  at  this  time  in 
an  advanced  stage  of  consumption,  was  let  out  on  ac- 
count of  the  precarious  condition  of  his  health.  I  met 
him  daily,  either  at  my  place  or  at  the  Star  and  Gar- 
ter. John  ^  Flood  I  also  met  frequently.  He  always 
looked  like  a  sailor  or  petty  officer  who  had  just 
stepped  off  one  of  Her  Majesty's  ironclads.  He  was 
invariably  in  great  spirits  and  the  picture   of  health, 


128  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

and  was  a  man  of  resources,  courage,  and  aptitude  for 
any  emergency  that  might  arise. 

On  one  occasion  we  talked  over  Stephens'  escape, 
and  how  it  was  discovered.  He  told  me  that  one  of 
our  friends,  an  Irish-American  visitor,  a  good  man, 
too,  who  knew  the  hour  that  it  was  to  take  place,  left 
Dublin  that  evening  for  Cork.  At  the  bar  in  the  hotel 
where  he  stopped  on  his  arrival  in  Cork  he  got  into  a 
chat  with  a  gentleman,  as  he  thought.  In  the  course 
of  conversation  he  spoke  of  Stephens'  capture,  and  the 
apparently  complete  suppression  of  the  revolutionary 
party.  This  was  said,  no  doubt,  with  a  view  to  bring- 
ing out  the  opinions  of  his  chance  acquaintance,  and 
see  what  he  thought  on  Irish  affairs.  Seeing  this  fel- 
low rejoicing,  as  he  went  along,  he  became  so  enraged 
that  he  took  out  his  watch  and  said:  ''I  will  bet  you 
ten  pounds  that  you  have  not  got  Stephens  now." 
This,  of  course,  was  very  unwise,  but  it  is  given  as  a 
fact.  The  fellow  ran  out  and  telegraphed  to  the  chief 
secretary  in  Dublin,  Sir  Robert  Peel,  who  in  a  short 
time  was  thundering  at  the  gates  of  Richmond  Bride- 
well. He  did  not  have  patience  to  send  for  informa- 
tion. He  went  himself.  He  asked  the  governor  had 
he  all  his  prisoners  in  safe  keeping. 

"Yes,  Your  Excellency,  the  keys  are  all  here  as 
usual,  and  all  prison  cells  are  secure." 

"Let  us  see,"  said  Sir  Robert,  "have  you  Stephens 
secure?" 

They  went  to  his  cell  and  found  it  wide  open,  and 
the  bird  flown ! 

We  could  never  find  out  the  name  of  the  individual 
who  gave  this  information  that  came  so  near  spoiling 
this  great  exploit.  Any  delay,  any  false  steps,  any  mis- 
calculation or  accident  would  have  resulted  in  failure. 

The  24th  of  November,  1865,  which  was  the  date  of 
Stephens'  romantic  escape,  was  a  red  letter  day  for 
Ireland  because  of  its  moral  effect  on  the  people.  Ste- 
phens remained  in  Dublin  until  March,  1866,  when  he 
left  for  Paris  in  disguise.  After  a  perilous  voyage 
across  the  Channel  to  Scotland,  he  made  his  way  to 
London,  where  he  stopped  at  the  Buckingham  hotel. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         129 

remained  a  short  time,  and  then  left  for  Paris,  where 
he  arrived  in  safety. 

The  evening  he  left  Dublin  Edward  Duffy  called  on 
me  in  great  glee. 

'T  have  great  news  for  you,"  said  he.  "The  Cap- 
tain is  on  his  way  to  France." 

''Well,"  said  I,  "Ed,  I  firmly  believe  you  will  never 
see  him  again." 

"Don't  say  that,"  said  he,  "'tis  treason." 

"Nonsense,"  said  I,  "I  saw  him  exhibit  the  white 
feather  at  the  meeting  of  the  Centers,  held  on  the  night 
after  he  got  out  of  jail,  and  I  felt  then  he  would  never 

fight." 

I  did  not  attempt  to  shake  Duft'y's  faith  in  him,  but 
he  afterwards  came  to  share  my  views,  and  when  in 
the  dock  denounced  him. 


130  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

Stephens,  before  leaving  for  France,  had  appointed 
Dufify  in  his  place,  as  head  of  the  organization  in  Ire- 
land, and  promised  to  send  him  money  when  he  arrived 
in  Paris.  Poor  Ed  was  stopping  quietly  at  the  Euro- 
pean hotel,  and  had  not  a  pound  in  his  possession. 

Miss  Ellen  O'Leary  was  there  also,  meeting  all  de- 
mands and  attending  to  everything  connected  with  the 
organization.  She  filled  up  with  her  counsel  and  ad- 
vice the  gaps  caused  by  the  arrest  of  the  various  lead- 
ers, and  so  matters  went  for  some  time. 

No  financial  assistance  came  from  Stephens,  al- 
though he  sent  for  his  wife  and  her  sister,  and  accord- 
ing to  Eddy  O'Leary,  John's  youngest  brother  who 
was  in  Paris  at  the  time,  it  required  two  cabs  to  take 
their  baggage  to  the  hotel,  and  afterwards  had  his  sis- 
ter-in-law put  into  an  aristocratic  seminary.  It  re- 
quired considerable  means  to  do  this,  but  not  a  shilling' 
for  poor  Duffy  and  the  cause.  I  knew  the  condition 
Duffy  had  been  left  in.  Were  it  not  for  the  kindness 
of  Mrs.  Moloney,  the  lady  of  the  hotel,  he  could  not 
have  existed.  No  wonder  he  denounced  Stephens  in 
the  dock. 

Stephens'  arrival  in  Paris  caused  consternation  in 
Dublin  Castle,  while  the  accounts  given  in  the  news- 
papers of  the  particulars  of  his  escape  made  them  the 
laughing-stock  of  the  world. 

The  large  rewards  offered  for  his  capture  or  infor- 
mation regarding  his  whereabouts  had  been  offered  in 
vain,  the  vigilance  of  the  secret  police  had  been  baf- 
fled and  set  at  naught,  and  in  consequence  the  authori- 
ties were  paralyzed. 

But  after  all  it  would  have  been  better  for  Stephens 
and  for  Ireland  that  it  had  never  been  done.  If  he  had 
been  left  in  prison  his  fame  would  have  remained  un- 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD. 


131 


tarnished.  If  he  had  kept  faith  with  those  who  had 
given  him  his  first  commission,  and  when  it  was  de- 
manded of  him,  had  handed  over  the  organization  to 
a  military  council  at  the  proper  time  he  might  have 


1 

" ^ 

J                  :M^ 

^ 

i 

^, 

;^^A 

^^^^^^m 

Mil 

^■^1 

fc^^^^^^^Bi 

^^M 

l^=SiS»Si*^: 

MISS  ELLEN  O'LEARY. 


saved  it.  Our  Am.erican  friends  did  not  preserve  those 
papers,  and  when  they  made  the  demand  had  nothing 
to  go  on.-     (i) 


(1)  While  affairs  were  progressing  slowly  in  Ireland,  a  seri- 
ous division  occurred  in  the  governing  ranks  of  the  Fenian 
Brotherhood    in    America. 

When  the  organization  became  numerically  powerful  and  in- 
fluential throughout  the  States,  it  became  necessary  to  adopt 
a    representative    form    of    control    and    management    for    the 


132  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

Duffy  went  to  the  West,  to  his  home,  but  still  con- 
tinued as  tireless  and  persistent  as  ever  in  the  good 
work,  until  he  was  arrested  on  the  nth  of  March,  1866. 

Colonel  Kelly  went  to  America,  rallying  the  men 
there,  and  took  charge  of  the  Central  office  on  the  i8th 
of  June,  1866.  From  that  date  to  the  close  of  the  year 
all  was  excitement  and  although  the  arrests  contin- 
ued (a  large  number  being  amongst  the  military)  the 
feeling  of  resistance  remained  as  intense  as  ever. 


whole  body,  and  to  that  end  an  annual  congress  was  inaugu- 
rated and  at  which  plans  were  formed  and  policies  promulgated 
looking  towards  the  advancement  of  the  Cause  and  the  early 
preparations  for  a   revolution  on   the   soil  of  Ireland. 

For  various  and,  as  we  know  now,  good  and  sufficient  rea- 
sons the  invasion  of  Ireland  was  repeatedly  postponed,  a  course 
of  action  which  caused  much  openly  expressed  dissatisfaction, 
mixed  with  blame  for  O'Mahony  and  Stephens,  as  the  delay 
was  attributed  to  them. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  well  to  say  a  few  words  about 
the  relations  existing  between  Stephens  and  O'Mahony.  After 
the  collapse  of  the  '48  Movement,  when  in  Paris  together 
their  relations  were  those  of  fast  and  close  friends.  In  the 
Fenian  Movement  their  relations  -continued  as  of  old  up  to  the 
time  of  Stephens'  visit  to  America,  and  perhaps  a  year  after, 
when  things  began  to  change.  It  would  seem  as  if  a  mutual 
dissatisfaction  in  a  mild  form  sprang  up.  Each  felt  his  per- 
sonal responsibility  keenly  and  no  doubt  considered  he  was 
not  receiving  that  support  from  the  other  which  he  had  been 
led  to  expect  or  which  the  condition  of  affairs  demanded.  In 
addition  to  this,  a  strong  outside  pressure  was  continually 
being  exercised  demanding  immediate  action  in  Ireland. 

Stephens  on  several  occasions  expressed  dissatisfaction  with 
what  he  considered  an  inquisitorial  tendency  on  the  part  of 
O'Mahony,  who  continually  kept  sending  over  on  special  mis- 
sions men  who  wanted  to  "investigate"  and  then  return  to 
America  to  "report."  Nothing  came  of  those  reports,  and  it 
is  a  fact  there  were  instances  where  men  came  over  ostensibly 
to  investigate,  but  in  reality  they  came  on  their  own  business. 

John  O'Mahony  was  Head  Centre  and  Chief  Executive  Officer 
of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  in  America.  The  executive  power  of 
the  organization  was  vested  in  him,  and  among  other  duties 
he  was  authorized  and  empowered  to  sign  all  bonds  of  the 
Irish  Republic.  The  Central  Council  consisted  of  five  members, 
with  the  Head  Centre  as  presiding  officer,  and  constituted  a 
military  board.  This  board  had  power  to  appoint  a  military 
and  naval  director  or  one  for  each  department,  and  had  full 
authority  to  adjudicate  all  questions  pertaining  to  the  organi- 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         133 

After  all  was  considered,  the  chances,  we  thought, 
were  in  our  favor.  Col.  Tom  Kelly  returned  from  Am- 
erica, took  Ed.  Duffy's  place,  and  gave  new  vigor  to 
the  movement.  His  late  visit  to  New  York  confirmed 
our  faith  in  the  promises  made  at  that  sidef 

General  Halpin  was  again  active,  as  was  also  Cap- 
tain O'Rourk  (Beecher),  an  indefatigable  man  who 
managed  everything  he  undertook  with  tact  and  ad- 
dress. His  movements  baffled  all  the  vigilance  of  the 
detectives  who  were  continually  on  his  track. 

John  Flood,  the  man  of  resources,  and  Ryan,  of  Liv- 
erpool, were  unknown  to  the  police,  they  could  go 
where  they  pleased. 

So  matters  went  on.  Every  man  stood  to  his  post. 
We  were  gaining  in  prestige  and  influence. 


zation.  They  were  supposed  to  be  constantly  in  session.  Dis- 
trict Centres  were  elected  to  represent  District  organizations 
at  the  Annual  Congress,  and  when  elected  received  a  commis- 
sion from  the  Head  Centre.  Their  duty  was  to  supervise  the 
organization  in  their  respective  districts,  to  establish  Circles 
and  make  regular  monthly  reports  to  the  Central  organization. 

To  assist  O'Mahony  in  governing  the  organization,  a  body 
called  the  Senate  was  called  into  existence,  which  body  in  a 
short  time  attempted  to  take  control  and  dictate  the  policy  to 
be  pursued  by  the  Fenian  Brotherhood.  Two  parties  developed 
in  the  Senate— one  in  favor  of  invading  Ireland,  the  other 
Canada.    See  Appendix  XLIII,  Page  339. 

O'Mahony  wrote  to  Stephens  complaining  of  the  attitude  of 
the  men  advocating  the  invasion  of  Canada.  They  argued  that 
it  was  inopportune  at  that  time  to  invade  Ireland.  England 
possessed  then,  as  now,  a  powerful  navy,  with  her  base  of  un- 
limited supplies  only  a  few  hours'  sail  from  Ireland;  conse- 
quently, they  said,  it  would  be  madness  to  raise  the  banner  of 
revolution  then.  As  a  substitute  they  suggested  that  the  power 
of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  be  turned  towards  Canada  as  an 
objective  and  that  an  army  could  be  quickly  thrown  across 
the  border  and  a  blow  struck  at  the  power  of  England  without 
crossing  the  ocean. 

In  reply  to  O'Mahony's  letter  Stephens  denounced  the  dis- 
senting Senators  as  "rotten  branches"'  and  said  he  would  soon 
come  to  America  and  lash  them  into  line.  The  receipt  of  this 
unwise  and  indiscreet  letter  resulted  in  still  further  widening 
the  breach.  The  Canadian  party  in  the  Senate  seceded  from 
the  parent  body  and  elected  Colonel  William  R.  Roberts 
President. 

*  See  Appendix  LXXXIV,  Page  278. 


134  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

The  Special  Commission  for  the  trial  of  political 
prisoners  opened  in  Green  street,  Dublin,  the  27th 
of  November,  1865,  and  the  trials  commenced. 
It  took  a  long-  time  to  get  a  jury,  and  all  out 
on  bail  were  obliged  to  attend  from  day  to  day. 

The  third  day,  when  my  wife  and  I  were  going  into 
court,  the  policeman  on  guard  at  the  door  stopped  me, 
and  asked  if  I  had  a  sheriff's  order.     I  said  I  had  none. 

"I  can't  admit  you,"  said  he. 

I  told  him  I  was  one  of  the  prisoners  out  on  bail, 
and  was  obliged  to  attend. 

"I  don't  care  who  you  are,  I  can't  admit  you." 

Pat  Roantree  was  with  us,  and  he  was  told  the  same. 

A  big  burly  sergeant  who  was  walking  up  and  down 
said,  in  passing,  ''Damn  fools,  go  tell  your  friends  on 
your  bail  bonds  you  would  not  be  admitted,  and  get 
out." 

Pat  and  I  took  the  hint.  We  went  to  Kingstown  and 
put  in  a  very  pleasant  day.  In  the  evening  I  went  to 
see  Lawless,  after  court  adjourned,  and  told  him  the 
circumstances.  "I  am  glad,"  said  he,  "as  you  won't 
save  yourself  as  I  told  you  to  do.  Don't  come  to  me 
until  I  send  for  you." 

The  same  evening  I  was  at  my  friend's  Patrick  Dur- 
kin's,  which  was  a  place  we  frequented  for  news.  To 
my  great  surprise  the  policeman  that  refused  to  let  me 
in  the  court  room  was  there.  I  did  not  know  he  was  a 
friend  of  ours,  but  he  was,  and  proved  afterwards  to 
be  a  staunch  one. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  commission,  my  name  was 
called.  In  explanation  of  my  absence.  Lawless  got  up 
and  explained  to  the  court  that  I  attended  until  I  was  re- 
fused admission.  Lawson,  the  attorney-general,  asked  for 
a  warrant,  to  have  me  brought  to  court,  but  Judge  Fitz- 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         135 

g:erald  said,  "Mr.  Attorney,  serve  him  with  a  short  order." 
Another  case  was  called  in  my  place,  the  last  for  that  com- 
mission, and  was  found  guilty.  The  court  adjourned  to 
Cork,  and  left  me  still  at  large. 

It  was  in  Cork  where  Counsellor  Dowse  gave  Nagle 
the  worrying  that  vexed  him,  when  he  asked  the  Coun- 
sellor :  ''Do  you  think  Fm  a  dog,  that  you  speak  to  me 
in  this  manner?" 

"Oh  no,"  said  Dowse,  "God  forbid  I  should  compare 
you  to  such  a  faithful  animal." 

"Well,"  retorted  Nagle,  "there  are  some  decent  men 
I  have  not  identified,  but  now  I  won't  spare  one  of 
them." 

That  remark  made  several  of  us  uneasy,  and  we  were 
sure  he  w^ould  carry  out  his  threat  when  the  court 
would  come  back  to  Dublin. 

The  uprising  was  now^  the  question  of  the  hour.  All 
began  to  prepare  and  make  ready.  No  lack  of  ardor 
could  be  seen ;  on  the  contrary,  all  were  at  the  highest 
pitch  under  the  circumstances. 

The  failure  of  the  attack  on  Chester  castle  by  the 
treachery  of  Corydon  did  not  deter  the  rising  of  the 
4th  of  March,  because  Corydon's  treachery  was  not 
known  then. 


136  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XX. 

The  4th  of  March,  1867,  the  night  of  the  rising  ar- 
rived, I  was  at  supper  with  my  wife  and  her  sister  when 
John  Ryan  called.  General  Halpin  had  sent  him  for 
me.  He  was  waiting  at  the  Bleeding  Horse  in  Cam- 
den street.  I  took  leave  of  my  wife  and  went  with 
him,  and  found  General  Halpin.  As  there  was  a  report 
given  out  at  the  time  that  the  General  was  drunk  on 
that  occasion,  I  take  this  opportunity  of  again  pro- 
nouncing that  it  was  a  calumny — without  a  shred  of 
truth  to  support  it.  I  never  saw  him  more  cool,  calm, 
and  rational  than  he  was  on  that  night.  He  gave  me 
my  orders,  but  told  me  to  await  hearing  from  him  be- 
fore putting  them  into  execution. 

I  called  on  my  friend  Durkin,  and  found  that 
acting  on  instructions  all  the  men  had  gone  to 
Tallaght.  As  soon  as  Durkin  shut  up  his  place  we 
remained  together  and  prepared  to  execute  the  ex- 
pected orders  when  received.  While  waiting  in  his 
back  parlor,  he  brought  in  a  young  man  who  had  come 
some  distance,  and  who  wanted  to  see  the  man  in 
charge. 

I  satisfied  myself  that  he  was  all  right.  He  handed 
me  a  paper  signed  by  the  parish  priest  of  that  place, 
asking  for  orders  to  blow  up  the  bridges  and  stating 
that  all  was  ready. 

We  told  him  that  action  in  that  quarter  would  de- 
pend on  certain  contingencies,  which  had  not  yet  arisen 
and  advised  him  to  return  and  hold  himself  in  readiness 
to  execute  their  purpose,  but  to  take  no  action  until  he 
received  positive  instructions  which  we  guaranteed 
would  be  surely  forwarded  to  him  should  occasion  re- 
quire it. 

On  further  inquiry  we  found  he  had  come  post  haste 
and  had  no  money  to  take  him  back.     We  furnished 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTFIERHOOD.        137 

him  with  sufficient  funds  and  sent  him  away  full  of 
hope  that  the  men  of  his  town  would  be  given  a  chance 
to  strike  a  blow  for  Ireland. 

Of  all  the  nights  that  have  ever  passed  over  my  head 
that  memorable  night  of  the  4th  of  March  which  had 
been  scheduled  as  the  night  of  the  "rising"  was  the 
rnost  furious  that  I  remember.  The  wind  blew  a  hur- 
ricane, accompanied  by  sleet  and  rain.  The  streets 
were  deserted,  save  by  an  occasional  car  passing  now 
and  then,  and  the  only  sounds  heard  were  those  of 
wind  and  rain  falling  in  torrents. 

We  waited  impatiently  and  anxiously  during  the 
long  hours  of  the  night,  and  coming  towards  morning 
the  strain  became,  if  possible,  more  intense  from  the 
continued  anxiety.  At  length  news  came,  but  not  di- 
rect to  us.  One  or  two  returned  friends  in  passing  re- 
ported that  the  attempt  was  a  complete  failure  and  that 
the  rendezvous  had  been  betrayed.  Sir  Hugh  Rose 
and  staff,  with  a  strong  military  force,  had  anticipated 
their  assembling  at  Tallaght,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th  had  captured  the  most  daring  of  our  men.  The 
only  casualty  reported  was  the  death  of  Stephen 
O'Donohue,  who  was  shot  and  killed. 

A  fevv^  hours  later  we  witnessed  the  saddest  sight  I 
had  ever  beheld.  Marching  down  Grafton  street, 
manacled  and  disarmed,  were  some  of  our  bravest  and 
best  men,  surrounded  by  a  strong  force  of  military, 
who  were  escorting  them  to  the  Castle  Yard  for  ex- 
amination, to  be  followed  by  punishment  and  degrada- 
tion. 

During  the  day  General  Halpin  came  into  Dublin  in 
a  discouraged  and  disheartened  state  of  mind  and  body. 
As  the  rising  had  collapsed  and  nothing  more  could  be 
done  just  then,  he  w^as  conducted  to  a  place  of  safety. 
Soon  stragglers  began  to  arrive  from  Stepaside,  each 
with  his  own  story  of  what  might  have  been  done. 
Poor  Stephen  O'Donoghue  was  the  only  one  who  did 
not  return. 

To  explain  this  fiasco,  for  such  it  was,  I  must  go  back 
to  Stephens'  return  to  Paris  in  '66.  After  he  had  failed 
in   uniting   the    O'Mahony   and    Roberts   parties,   the 


138 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


Fenian  ]\Iilitary  Council  besought  him  to  fulfill  his  oft- 
repeated  promise  to  start  a  revolution  in  Ireland,  as 
they  considered  the  time  had  arrived  for  a  rising,  but 
he  emphatically  declined.  Notwithstanding  his  re- 
fusal, the  Military  Council  felt  that  the  time  had  come 
when  an  attempt  to  fulfill  the  many  pledges  made  by 
the  organization  should  be  undertaken,  and  they  de- 
cided that,  come  what  may,  the  flag  of  insurrection 


WM.   R.  ROBERTS. 

President  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood, 


should  be  raised  in  Ireland  without  further  delay. 
They  commenced  active  preparations  at  once.  Early 
in  January,  1867,  the  following  Irish-American  officers 
arrived  in  Ireland  quietly,  unobtrusively,  and  entirely 
unobserved  by  the  Government :  General  Thomas  F. 
Burke,  General  Halpin,  Colonel  Kelly,  Captain  John 
McCafiferty,  Captain  William  Mackay  and  many 
others.     They  were  assigned  each  to  a  special  locality, 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        139 

and  without  delay  set  to  work  energetically  to  organ- 
ize the  insurrection.  They  found  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  almost  insurmountable.  The  people  were  badly 
armed  or  not  armed  at  all.  Many  of  the  local  leaders 
were  opposed  to  a  rising  at  that  time,  and  the  clergy 
almost  to  a  man  antagonistic.  Still  they  persevered 
and  accomplished  wonders  in  the  brief  time  given  them. 

February  nth,  1867,  was  fixed  on  as  the  date  of  the 
rising,  and  officers  and  men  were  sent  to  their  respect- 
ive posts  with  instructions  to  take  the  field  on  that  date. 
The  veteran  Irish-American  officers  of  distinction  who 
came  to  lend  the  aid  of  their  military  experience  gained 
in  the  Civil  War,  were  quetly  assigned  to  important 
and  strategic  points,  and  every  arrangement  possible 
under  adverse  conditions  w^ere  made  in  advance,  it 
being  distinctly  understood  that  the  rising  was  to  take 
place  as  far  as  possible  simultaneously  at  all  points. 
Chester  Castle,  in  England,  in  which  was  stored  a  vast 
amount  of  war  material,  was  also  to  be  surprised  and 
attacked  on  that  date,     (i.) 

Before    the    nth    of    February    arrived   the    leaders 


(1)  William  Randall  Roberts  was  born  in  County  Cork,  Ire- 
land, on  February  6,  1830.  He  received  an  academic  education 
and  came  to  the  United  States  in  1849.  He  secured  employment 
with  A.  T.  Stewart,  the  great  dry  goods  merchant,  New  York, 
and  eventually  started  in  the  dry  goods  business  himself  at 
No.  252  Bowery,  when  that  thoroughfare  was  the  great  shop- 
ping district.  His  store  was  called  the  "Crystal  Palace,"  and 
was  as  well  known  as  is  the  most  typical  establishment  of 
that  kind  in  New  York  to-day. 

Roberts  did  an  immense  business  and  retired  in  1869  with  a 
fortune  that  passed  the  million  dollar  mark.  His  real  estate 
holdings  were  extensive,  as  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that 
he  went  on  Richard  F.  Connolly's  bond  for  $250,000,  qualifying 
in  $500,000,  when  that  noted  politician  of  Tweed  times  took 
office  as   Comptroller  of  New  York. 

After  retiring  from  business  Roberts  went  into  politics,  and 
to  this  is  ascribed  the  loss  of  the  greater  part  of  his  fortune. 
He  was  elected  in  1869  a  Representative  to  the  Forty-second  and 
Forty-third  Congresses.  In  1877  he  was  elected  Alderman-at- 
Large,  and  was  President  of  the  New  York  Board  of  Aldermen 
that  year  and  the  next. 

To  the  scheme  for  the  invasion  of  Canada  was  due  in  a  great 
measure   the   disastrous   split   which   took   place   in   1866   in    the 


140  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

learned  that  the  Government  was  in  possession  of  their 
plans.  An  informer,  named  Corydon,  who  was  pres- 
ent at  Chester,  had  been  supplying  information  to  the 
Government  since  September,  '66.  On  finding  their 
plans  betrayed,  urgent  dispatches  (in  cipher),  were 
sent  by  messengers  and  otherwise,  to  all  the  leaders  at 
the  various  places,  to  postpone  the  revolt  for  the  time 
being. 

In  Kerry,  where  Colonel  John  J.  O'Connor  was  in 
command,  the  dispatch  failed  to  reach  him  and, 
promptly  on  time,  he  led  a  revolt  which  extended  to 
Cork  and  Limerick,  scaring  the  ''loyal"  and  ''law-abid- 
ing" people  around  Killarney  and  Cahirciveen  in  a 
most  unseemly  manner. 

When,  later  on,  O'Connor  received  the  belated  dis- 
patch and  learned  that  the  rising  was  not  general,  he 
retreated  to  the  mountains  and  disbanded  his  force. 
Colonel  O'Connor's  rising,  it  is  true,  was  premature  and 
isolated,  but  it  demonstrated  the  fact  that  he  and  his 


Fenian  Brotherhood.  John  O'Mahony  was  opposed  to  the 
scheme,  and  his  opposition  cost  him  much  of  his  popularity. 
A  convention  was  held  in  New  York,  when  a  Senate,  a  War 
Department,  a  State  Department  and  a  Financial  Department 
were  provided  for,  chiefly  as  a  means  of  robbing  O'Mahony 
of  his  power.  Later  he  was  deposed  by  the  Senate  and  Roberts 
chosen  as  President.  Two  factions  then  came  into  being-,  and 
between  them  they  brought  disaster  upon  the  cause. 

"Envy,  hatred  and  all  uncharitableness"  took  possession  of 
the  hearts  of  men  on  both  sides,  and  day  by  day  the  breach 
was  widened. 

Roberts  persevered  in  his  plans  and  the  battle  of  Ridgeway 
was  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  his  invasion,  although  it  is 
claimed  that  but  for  the  interference  of  the  United  States 
Government  the  victory  won  by  General  John  O'Neil  would 
have  been  followed  up  by  the  veterans  from  the  Union  armies 
until  the  green  flag  waved  over  every  city  in  the  Dominion. 

O'Mahony,  urged  by  B.  Doran  Killian,  sought  to  foil  Roberts 
and  snatch  whatever  glory  might  come  to  him  by  sending  a 
force  to  Campo  Bello.  It  was  failure,  however,  everywhere. 
The  flght  went  on  bitterly  between  the  two  parties,  and  even 
James  Stephens,  who  came  across  the  ocean  specially  to  try 
and  put  an  end  to  the  dispute,  found  his  mission  practically 
without  results. 

William  R.  Roberts  died  in  New  York  City  on  Monday,  Au- 
gust 9,  1897,  aged  sixty-seven  years. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         141 

men  were  ready  to  do  and  to  dare,  and  there  were  a 
hundred  thousand  others  equally  ready,  waiting  an  op- 
portunity to  emulate  his  example. 

Colonel  Horsford,  in  command  of  the  British  forces 
in  that  section,  was  sent  in  pursuit,  but  he  prudently 
decided  it  was  unnecessary  and  perhaps  unhealthy,  to 
follow  the  "rebels"  into  the  mountains,  and  telegraphed 
to  Dublin  Castle  that  the  insurrection  was  squelched. 

The  rising  was  originally  intended  to  have  taken 
place  on  the  nth  of  February,  but  for  various  import- 
ant reasons  it  was  postponed  to  a  later  date.  In  the  last 
week  of  February  word  was  sent  out  that  Shrove  Tues- 
day, March  5th,  was  to  inaugurate  the  beginning  of  a 
supreme  effort  for  the  liberation  of  Ireland,  and  they 
were  to  assemble  at  their  various  posts  on  the  night 
of  the  4th.  It  happened  that  the  date  selected  was  ex- 
tremel}^  cold  and  tempestuous,  which  caused  much  suf- 
fering to  the  men  who  went  out. 

The  principal  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  Dublin  men 
were  the  Palmerston  fields,  Rathmines,  and  the  village 
of  Tallaght.  At  the  former  place  some  500  men  as- 
sembled at  II  p.  m.,  while  at  Tallaght  the  number  was 
about  800.  The  arrangements  for  arming  them  were  of 
the  most  unsatisfactory  character,  and  many  had  to 
content  themselves  with  an  indifferent  pike,  which  is 
rather  a  poor  weapon  with  which  to  meet  a  man  armed 
with  a  rifle.  There  were  many  skirmishes  between  the 
police  and  the  insurgents  on  that  eventful  night,  the 
Fenians  capturing  several  of  the  police,  whom  they  dis- 
armed and  took  along  as  prisoners  of  war.  At  Tallaght 
there  was  a  brisk  encounter  in  which  Stephen 
O'Donoghue  was  shot  dead.  A  party  of  Fenians,  under 
Patrick  Lennon,  attacked  Stepaside  and  Glencullen  po- 
lice barracks,  both  of  which  he  captured,  seizing  and 
carrying  off  the  arms. 

In  Drogheda  the  people  assembled  in  the  market 
square  to  the  number  of  one  thousand,  and  placed 
themselves  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Patrick 
Leonard,  an  American  officer  of  ability  and  bravery. 
He  made  a  bold  stand  for  a  little  while,  but  had  to 
succumb  to  the  superior  forces  of  the  enemy. 


14^ 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


The  Tipperary  Fenians  assembled  in  force  at  Ban- 
sha,  under  tlie  command  of  Colonel  Thomas  Francis 
Bourke.  They  marched  to  Ballyhurst,  where,  being 
armed  only  with  pikes,  they  met  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
the     Thirty-first     Regiment     of     Infantry.       Colonel 


PATRICK  LENNON. 

Who  led  the  Fenians  at  Stepaside  and  Glencullen. 


Bourke  was  captured  while  rallying  his  men,  and  was 
afterwards  sentenced  to  be  hung,  drawn  and  quartered. 
The  speech  he  delivered  in  the  dock  is  second  only  to 
Emmet's  immortal  utterance.     His  sentence  was  com- 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD         143 

muted  to  imprisonment  for  life  and  he  was  finally  par- 
doned. 

In  Limerick,  Cork  and  Clare  attempts  to  arouse  the 
people  were  also  made,  but  were  attended  with  little  or 
no  success.  Peter  O'Neill  Crowley,  aided  by  Captain 
John  McClure  and  Edward  Kelly,  made  a  noble  stand 
in  southeastern  Cork.  They  held  their  forces  together 
for  nearly  a  month,  but  were  finally  captured  in  Kil- 
clooney  Wood,  after  a  gallant  stand,  in  which  the  brave 
Crowley  was  killed.  Captain  McClure  and  Edward 
Kelly  spent  many  years  in  prison,  but  were  finally  par- 
doned. Kelly  died  some  years  ago  in  Boston,  but  John 
McClure  is  still  living — a  prominent  lawyer  in  New 
York. 

In  the  City  of  Cork  over  two  thousand  men  turn«?d 
out  in  response  to  the  call  to  armsf  They  were  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  O'Brien  and  Captain  Mackey, 
but  were  soon  defeated  by  the  forces  sent  against  them. 
Captain  Mackey  carried  on  a  desultory  warfare  for 
almost  a  year  after  the  rising,  appearing  here  and  there 
and  capturing  many  police  barracks  and  coast  guard 
stations  and  then  disappearing  just  as  rapidly.  He 
kept  the  authorities  in  a  ferment  until  he  was  finally 
captured  on  February  7,  1868. 

No  attempt  at  a  rising  was  made  in  the  West  of  Ire- 
land, as  they  had  been  promised  the  services  of  ex- 
perienced military  officers  who  were  not  sent  them, 
consequently  they  declined  to  turn  out  without  compe- 
tent leaders. 

The  rising  was  attended  by  many  acts  of  bravery  and 
self-sacrifice,  and  stands  out  as  an  evidence  of  Irish 
patriotism  under  the  most  hopeless  circumstances. 
The  people  were  virtually  unarm.ed,  had  to  face  one  of 
the  best  equipped  armies  in  Europe,  and  were  crushed 
by  overwhelming  numbers.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
movement  took  place  during  one  of  the  most  terrific 
storms  which  ever  visited  Ireland.,  and  this  fact  alone 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  scatter  the  thousands  of 
brave  and  devoted  men  who  risked  their  lives  in  de- 
fence of  their  country. 

Soon  after  the  collapse  of  the  rising,  the  leaders,  iil 

*  See  Appendix  LXXXVI,  Page  28:3. 


144  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

explanation  and  extenuation  of  their  failure,  issued  an 
address  or  proclamation  simultaneously  in  Ireland  and 
America,  setting  forth  the  grievances  of  the  Irish  peo- 
ple and  appealing  to  lovers  of  liberty  the  world  over, 
particularly  to  the  brave, -fair-minded  men  of  England, 
showing  them  the  cause  of  Freedom  was  theirs  as  well 
as  ours.  The  Government  in  turn  took  occasion  to  is- 
sue another  proclamation,  declaring  the  country  wa;s 
tranquil  and  peaceful,  while  every  vessel  entering  an 
Irish  port  was  boarded  by  police,  armed  with  rifles  and 
cutlasses,  who  arrested  all  suspicious  persons  without 
the  formality  of  a  warrant,  and  took  them  to  jail. 

Public  attention  was  now  directed  to  the  military 
courts  martial,  which  revealed  conditions  in  the  ranks 
that  surprised  every  one,  but  none  more  than  the  Gov- 
ernment itself.  It  finally  became  alarmed,  as  the  in- 
vestigation progressed,  at  the  great  number  of  men  ac- 
cused and  eventually  the  publicity  given  to  the  honey- 
combed and  dove-tailed  conspiracy  which  had  grown 
up  within  the  army,  compelled  them  to  suspend  mili- 
tary tribunals,  as  the  deeper  they  probed  the  more  dis- 
affection they  found.  Even  soldiers  in  Scotch  regi- 
ments were  found  to  be  connected  with  the  movement. 

The  men  who  were  mainly  responsible  for  the  de- 
moralization of  the  British  army  were  John  Boyle 
O'Reilly,  Pagan  O'Leary,  John  P.  O'Brien,  Charles 
McCarthy,  Thomas  Chambers  and  James  Montague. 
As  a  result  of  their  work,  it  was  found  that  some  13,000 
Irish  men  in  the  English  army  had  taken  an  oath  to 
bring  about  the  independence  of  their  native  country. 

The  last  sitting  of  the  Special  Commission  was  in 
session  in  Dublin,  and  a  great  many  of  us  were  in  sus- 
pense regarding  Nagle's  forthcoming  evidence  and  the 
nature  of  the  disclosures  which  he  had  threatened  to 
make  when  in  Cork.  He  evidently  reconsidered  the 
matter,  as  he  did  not  implicate  any  others  during  the 
session.  But  informer  Corydon  did.  He  testified, 
among  other  things,  that  he  attended  meetings  in  my 
house  and  at  James  Cantwell's,  but  his  evidence  on  this 
occasion  was  broken  down.  This  terminated  the  work 
of  the  Commission  in  Dublin,  and  Cantwell  called  on 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         145 

me  and  advised  me  to  leave  the  city,  saying  that  as  the 
Commission  had  closed  its  work,  my  bondsmen  were 
no  longer  responsible  for  my  appearance ;  in  fact,  he 
suggested  that  i  would  act  wisely  in  getting  out  of  the 
country  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  made  hurried  arrangements  and  left  that  night  for 
Liverpool,  where  I  met  William  Horan,  an  old  friend, 
who  took  me  to  his  lodging  in  the  suburbs.  I  learned 
that  all  hope  was  not  yet  abandoned  in  England,  and 
that  Colonel  Tom  Kelly  was  expecting  aid  from 
America,  but  after  a  few  weeks'  time  word  was  passed 
around  that  all  was  over  for  the  present. 


140  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

I  took  passage  in  one  of  the  Anchor  Line  packets 
via  Quebec,  for  New  York,  by  the  northern  passage. 
Through  the  instrumentality  of  a  friend  I  secured  an 
introduction  to  one  of  the  officers  of  the  vessel,  v^^ho 
favored  me  in  many  ways  during  the  voyage.  He 
gave  me  the  key  of  his  room,  with  permission  to  use 
it  at  any  time.  Fortune  also  gave  me  a  congenial 
traveling  companion  in  the  person  of  a  young  Cockney, 
not  long  married,  and  employed  by  a  London  stock 
broking  firm,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Canada  to  see 
after  some  investments  for  his  company.  Our  first 
day  out  brought  us  together,  and  we  became  fast 
friends.  I  got  talking  with  him  about  the  loneliness  I 
felt  after  parting  with  my  wife  and  child,  and  he,  hap- 
pening to  be  in  the  same  mood,  confessed  that  he  felt 
equally  lonesome  and  blubbered  through  his  tears  that 
this  was  the  hour  they  expected  him  home  every  even- 
ing. 'T  was  just  thinking  of  them  when  you  spoke," 
said  he.  "How  singular  that  our  cases  are  so  remark- 
ably alike.  Let  us  go  down  to  the  cabin  and  have  a 
bottle  of  Guinness."  We  went  down  and  consoled  each 
other,  and  every  day  after  that  we  put  in  an  appearance 
in  that  hospitable  quarter. 

The  Anchor  Line  boats  had  to  call  at  Moville  for  the 
Irish  mails.  Our  steamer  entered  the  mouth  of  the 
River  Foyle  and  came  to  anchor  awaiting  the  mails  and 
passengers,  which  were  brought  alongside  in  a  lighter. 
We  had  on  board  a  few  emigrants  from  Liverpool,  who 
climbed  on  the  rail  and  looked  towards  the  town  while 
awaiting  the  approach  of  the  mail  boat.  Soon  we 
noticed  two  long  boats  approaching  :  one  filled  with  red- 
coated  soldiers  and  the  other  with  police,  which  gave 
rise  to  alarm  in  my  breast.  As  soon  as  they  came  near 
I  decided  I  had  better  keep  out  of  the  way  for  the  time 
being  and  quietly  made  my  way  to  the  officer's  room, 
where  I  locked  myself  in.     This  room  was  on  the  port 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        147 

side  of  the  vessel  and  they  came  on  board  from  the 
starboard  side,  consequently  I  did  not  see  them  arrive 
or  depart,  but  waited  with  the  best  patience  I  could 
until  I  thought  they  must  ha.ve  gone  away,  when  I 
came  out  from  my  place  of  concealment. 

When  I  came  on  deck  I  accosted  a  shrewd  looking 
fellow,  one  of  the  emigrants,  and  asked  him  what  the 
police  wanted  and  what  the  military  were  doing  on 
board.  *'I  don't  know,"  said  he  smiling  knowingly. 
''They  said  they  were  looking  for  a  couple  of  abscond- 
ers, but  I  think  they  are  in  search  of  some  political  sus- 
pects who  are  expected  to  make  an  attempt  to  reach 
America  by  this  route.  The  police  have  not  gone  yet, 
perhaps  they  may  find  the  men  they  are  in  search  of 
before  they  leave." 

A  little  later,  while  going  down  the  companion  wa}^, 
I  met  a  sergeant  of  police  coming  up.  I  went  to  the 
bar  and  found  my  friend  waiting  for  me,  who  com- 
menced to  talk  in  his  pleasant,  good  natured  way  with 
his  Cockney  accent,  and  I  noticed  that  the  sergeant  had 
followed  me  down  and  was  lingering  around,  listening 
to  what  was  being  said,  but  after  a  while  went  away. 
My  friend  asked  what  was  the  object  of  this  visit  of 
the  authorities. 

"1  cannot  say,"  said  I,  "but  I  understand  it  is  a  com- 
mon occurrence  in  this  country  to  search  boats  and 
scrutinize  passengers  entering  or  leaving  port." 

'T  don't  wonder,"  said  he,  "at  the  Irish  being  dis- 
affected, and  I  am  sure  we  would  not  tolerate  this  thing 
in  England." 

We  slowly  finished  our  bottles,  while  I  remained 
as  quiet  and  inconspicuous  as  possible  until  I  heard  the 
anchor  weighed,  when  I  knew  the  police  had  departed. 

I  found  my  Cockney  friend  a  genial,  pleasant  and 
cheerful  companion  and  we  became  quite  good  friends 
during  the  voyage.  I  also  cultivated  the  acquaintance 
of  the  shrewd  looking  chap  who  told  me  the  police  were 
looking  for  political  suspects.  He  informed  me  that  he 
was  leaving  his  home  in  Ireland  because  he  was  sus- 
pected of  being  a  Fenian,  and  if  he  remained  his  father, 
who  was  steward  to  some  landlord  in  Donegal,  would 


148  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

undoubtedly  lose  his  position,  while  he  would  be  sent 
to  prison  for  an  indefinite  period  on  mere  suspicion. 
It  was  his  first  trip  away  from  home  and  naturally  he 
was  anxious  and  nervous  about  his  future  in  a  strange 
land.  When  I  told  him  I  was  acquainted  in  New  York 
and  could  possibly  help  him  on  his  arrival  there  he  be- 
came a  changed  man. 

We  had  a  tedious  but  pleasant  voyage  across  the  At- 
lantic, made  agreeable  by  the  fact  that  the  officers  and 
crew  were  genial  and  obliging.  In  due  time  we  arrived 
in  British  territory,  steaming  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  a 
noble  and  majestic  stream.  Very  few  craft  hove  in 
sight  until  we  reached  Quebec,  which  contains  a  tine 
fortress  on  a  well-selected  spot  commanding  all  the  ap- 
proaches from  the  river.  The  splendid  view  of  this 
fortress  and  the  beautiful  river  scenery  engaged  our 
attention  until  we  reached  port. 

We  remained  in  the  city  but  a  couple  of  hours  and, 
of  course,  had  little  opportunity  of  closely  observing 
the  people.  From  casual  observation  they  seemed  to 
be  careless,  easy  going  and  without  the  ''go"  and  ''get 
up"  about  them  that  distinguishes  Americans.  They 
were  living  under  an  accursed  flag,  which  perhaps  ac- 
counted for  the  ear-marks  of  slavery  that  I  imagined 
were  visible  to  me. 

We  took  a  train  on  the  Grand  Trunk  R.  R.  for  Mon- 
treal, which  we  found  a  beautiful  city,  delightfully  lo- 
cated on  the  St.  Lawn'ence  and  where  we  remained 
some  hours  before  proceeding  to  Rouse's  Point,  which 
is  on  the  boundary  line  separating  Canada  from  the 
United  States.  When  I  crossed  the  dividing  line  I 
distinctly  felt  a  great  and  perceptible  change  come 
over  my  whole  being,  as  if  an  oppressive  weight  was 
lifted  from  me.  I  immediately  declared  myself  to  my 
friends  and  gave  them  my  real  name,  as  up  to  that  I 
had  been  traveling  under  my  wife's  name. 

In  a  few  hours  we  were  transferred  to  one  of  those 
nice  little  steamers  plying  on  Lake  Champlain  and 
which  are  only  to  be  found  on  American  waters,  and 
felt  so  much  at  home  that  after  supper  I  went  to  bed 
and  slept  undisturbed  all  the  way  down  until  the  boat 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.        149 

was  moored.  When  awakened  by  one  of  the  deck 
hands  I  was  surprised  to  find  that  my  friends  had  got 
off  at  Burlington.  The  captain,  after  hearing  my 
story  and  enjoying  my  discomfiture,  told  me  it  was  all 
right,  I  would  meet  my  friends  at  Albany  by  taking 
the  train  v/hich  was  about  starting.  He  was  right  and 
t  found  no  difficulty  in  locating  them  in  Albany.  They 
did  not  know  what  had  become  of  me  and  were  puz- 
zled regarding  what  to  do  with  my  baggage.  We  pro- 
ceeded to  New  York  by  the  Albany  boat,  enjoying  a 
delightful  sail  on  the  grandest  and  most  picturesque 
river  in  America. 

Coming  down  the  Hudson  that  evening  I  found  my- 
self alone,  gazing  at  the  ever  changing  panorama  vis- 
ible from  where  I  sat,  and  all  the  events  of  the  past  few 
years  came  floating  around  me.  AA^as  all  lost?  What 
had  been  accomplished?  Had  anything  been  gained? 
Those  questions  I  asked  myself  over  and  over  again, 
but  could  not  find  a  satisfactory  answer.  In  summing 
up  I  found  one  certainty:  Ireland  was  united.  She  had 
been  taught  to  stand  up  and  assert  her  rights.  She  was 
no  longer  a  corpse  on  the  dissecting  table.  A  great 
many  abuses  had  been  set  aside,  a  great  many  changes 
had  taken  place  for  the  better,  and  there  had  been  a 
general  awakening  to  the  emergencies  and  necessities 
of  the  hour.  For  those  blessings  1  thanked  God  with 
my  whole  heart  and  finally  concluded  that  our  efforts 
had  not  been  wasted  and  that  a  great  deal  had  been  ac- 
complished. 

In  analysing  causes  and  results,  I  decided  that 
Stephens  and  O'Mahony,  who  never  worked  in  har- 
mony, were  both  of  them  unfit  for  the  great  responsi- 
bility they  had  undertaken.  In  my  opinion,  it  was 
mainly  O'Mahony's  fault.  He  always  kept  around  him 
a  lot  of  flatterers,  an  imbecile  pack,  who  were  no  use 
whatever  to  the  movement,  who  could  not  get  the  con- 
fidence of  anyone  but  that  one  good  natured  soul  who 
loved  to  listen  to  flattering  stories  of  himself  and  of  the 
chieftains  of  old,  without  taking  a  single  lesson  from 
their  misfortunes  and  ultimate  extinction. 

Among   these   worthies   was   Red  Jim   McDermott, 


ISO  A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 

the  informer,  a  Avretch  who  was  ostracized  in  Dublin 
by  all  his  associates  after  his  return  from  Italy.  His 
conduct  was  said  to  be  of  the  most  immoral  kind,  so 
that  the  Dublin  men  refused  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  him.  This  was  reported  to  Stephens,  who  said 
they  w^ere  merely  eccentricities  which  might  be  attrib- 
uted to  the  life  he  led  in  the  Papal  Brigade ! 

When  leaving  Dublin  for  America  he  asked  for  a  let- 
ter of  introduction  to  John  O'Mahony,  which  was  not 
given  him,  but  a  letter  signed  by  six  Dublin  Centres 
was  sent  to  O'Mahony,  advising  him  not  to  place  any 
confidence  in  him  as  he  was  a  bad  man.  O'Mahony 
provided  him  with  a  position,  I  think  that  of 
assistant  secretary,  because  he  abused  Stephens. 
Red  McDermott  was  the  illegitimate  son  of  a  Dublin 
police  magistrate  named  O'Brien.  His  mother's  name 
was  McDermott.  Before  joining  the  Papal  Brigade  he 
had  been  an  altar  boy  in  a  chapel  at  Haddington  Road. 
When  in  Italy  he  had  succeeded  in  imposing  on  his 
Holiness  the  Pope,  who  invested  him  with  the  Order  of 
.St.  Sylvester,  which  regalia  he  took  care  to  display  on 
every  possible  occasion. 

I  must  say  before  closing  that  throughout  the  whole 
organization  a  strong  moral  and  religious  feeling  pre- 
vailed and  a  great  respect  for  Christian  Doctrine  when 
it  was  untrammeled  by  political  influence  or  personal 
animosities.  Our  love  and  respect  for  the  Soggarth 
aroon  was  never  questioned. 

Some  of  our  best  men  were  devout  Catholics,  among 
them.  General  Thomas  Burke,  Charles  J.  Kickam, 
Hugh  Brophy,  John  Haltigan,  Mulcahy,  Dufify,  and 
thousands  of  others.  It  is  true,  there  were  a  few  fire- 
eaters,  but  they  did  not  amount  to  much.  Some  of 
them,  afterwards,  became  members  of  Parliament  ana 
some  others  informers. 

My  impression,  gained  by  experience  and  observa- 
tion, is  that  the  better  the  Christian  the  better  the  sol- 
dier he  makes  when  fighting  for  liberty,  truth  and  jus- 
tice. A  reliable,  faithful  friend  and  stanch  lover  of  his 
country  never  despairs,  but  continues  to  trust  in  Prov- 
idence that  the  end  will  make  amends  for  his  devotion. 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD  151 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

In  the  preceding  chapters  the  names  of  many  brave 
men  who  did  noble  duty  in  distant  places,  and  with 
whom  I  did  not  often  come  into  personaE  contact,  do 
not  appear,  for  the  simple  reason  that  my  narrative  is 
a  personal  one  and  deals  only  with  the  matters  with 
which  I  was  identified  or  closely  connected,  and  the 
facts  of  which  I  can  vouch  for  as  being  absolutely  true. 

But  as  these  men  were  part  and  parcel  of  the  move- 
ment and  deserve  the  most  honorable  mention  that 
could  be  given  them,  I  will  endeavor,  in  this  chapter, 
to  do  justice  to  the  memory  of  all  whose  names  I  can 
now  recall. 

Among  the  brave  and  faithful  men  whose  names  I 
have  not  yet  mentioned,  or  perhaps  barely  mentioned, 
and  the  noble,  heroic  women  who  took  up  the  cause 
when  their  husbands  or  relatives  were  arrested  and 
imprisoned  were:  Miss  Ellen  O'Leary,  Miss  Catherine 
Mulcahy,  Miss  Maria  Shaw,  Miss  Butler,  John  O'Con- 
nor, James  Haltigan,  John  Elallowed,  Michael  Lamben:, 
William  Brophy,  Matthew  O'N^eill,  Jeremiah  O'Farrell, 
Edward  Martin,  John  Neville,  Daniel  Downing,  James 
Cook,  Samuel  Cavanagh,  James  O'Callaghan,  Patrick 
Lennon,  Michael  Monks  (i)  and  Mercer  McDermott. 

In  speaking  of  the  work  performed  by  individuals  I 
cannot  refrain  from  mentioning  the  following:  John 
O'Connor,  brother  of  James  O'Connor,  a  boy  at  the 
time,  who  was  of  incalculable  value  to  the  organiza- 
tion— trustworthy,  discreet  and  business-like — to  him 


(1)  Patrick  Lennon  died  in  Florida  in  1901.  He  owned  an 
orange  plantation  there.  Michael  Monks  died  in  New  York 
about  1894,  and  is  buried  in  the  Irish  Patriot's  Plot  in  Calvary 
Cemetery,  Brooklyn.  A  monument  to  the  memory  of  all  the 
veterans  of  the  I.  R.  B.  buried  in  Calvary  is  now  being  gotten 
up. 


152 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OP  THE 


was  intrusted  most  important  secret  messages,  which 
couldn't  be  intrusted  to  the  mails.  He  had  many  nar- 
row escapes,  but  through  his  dexterity  and  persever- 
ance succeeded  in  every  project  he  undertook. 

Another  boy  deserving  of  special  mention  is  James 
Haltigan,  who  stood  beside  his  father  in  the  dock  and 


JAMES  AND  JOHN  O'CONNOR. 


endeavored,  as  far  as  a  mere  youth  could,  to  make 
amends  for  his  loss  after  he  was  sentenced.  He,  too, 
was  discreet  and  unassuming,  and  frequently  carried 
safely  and  successfully  many  important  despatches 
which  were  matters  of  life  and  death  to  individuals  and 
to  the  movement,  not  only  in  Kilkenny  and  the  sur- 
rounding counties,  but  in  Dublin  itself. 

After  the  escape  of  Stephens,  when  Edward  Duffy, 
then  in  poor  health,  took  charge  of  the  organization  on 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         153 

the  request  of  the  fugitive  chief,  Miss  Ellen  O'Leary 
volunteered  her  services  to  the  organization.  She 
possessed  great  executive  ability,  while  her  social  posi- 
tion gave  her  many  advantages  which  few  in  the  move- 
ment possessed  at  the  time.  She  was  respected  by  all 
who  knew  her,  not  only  for  being  the  sister  of  the  con- 
demned editor,  but  for  her  own  accomplishments  and 
charmingways, which  made  her  like  a  ministering  angel 
among  the  families  of  the  prisoners,  imparting  hope 
and  confidence  to  all  by  her  firm  belief  in  our  ultimate 
success.  DufTy  being  at  the  time  in  a  most  pitiable  con- 
dition on  acount  of  lung  trouble,  most  of  the  executive 
work  devolved  on  Miss  O'Leary.  At  this  crisis  John 
O'Connor  was  always  on  hand,  and  his  invaluable  ser- 
vices were  fully  appreciated. 

When  Col.  Thomas  J.  Kelly  became  Chief  of  the  Or- 
ganization, after  Duffy's  second  arrest,  he  imparted 
new  vigor  to  the  moA^ement.  Among  other  things,  he 
organized  a  Signal  Corps  and  selected  the  members 
himself.  One  of  his  first  selections  was  John  Hallowel, 
a  young  man  who  worked  in  Fitzpatrick's,  corner 
of  Dame  and  George  streets,  Dublin,  a  friend  of  John 
Devoy,  both  coming  from  the  same  place.  Young  Hal- 
lowed was  an  expert  in  the  corps,  was  appointed  lieuten- 
ant and  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  Stephens'  rescue, 
although  not  one  of  the  actual  rescuers.  He  gave  his 
overcoat  and  revolver  to  one  of  the  parties,  which  by 
some  chance  or  accident  he  never  saw  afterwards.  He 
was  also  a  friend  of  Michael  Lambert,  the  artist,  who 
made  the  false  keys  used  in  the  escape  of  Stephens, 
also  of  Wm.  Brophy  and  Matthew  .O'Neill,  two  of  the 
rescuers.  He  was  a  trusted  messenger  of  Colonel 
O'Kelly  between  Stephens  and  himself,  and  is  now  a 
successful  business  man  in  Chicago. 

Another  lady  who  deserves  a  niche  in  the  temple  of 
honor  is  Miss  Butler,  a  fashionable  Dublin  dressmaker 
and  a  true  Nationalist,  who  was  above  suspicion,  hav- 
ing for  a  clientele  the  loyal  elite  of  the  city.  No  one 
would  ever  dream  her  home  could  be  a  retreat  for  a 
famous  outlaw  and  rebel,  but  it  was  in  her  cosy,  com- 
fortable home  that  Stephens  found  safety.    It  was  from 


154 


A  PERSONAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE 


this  asylum,  months  later,  he  departed  with  Flood  to 
risk  his  fate  in  a  coal  schooner.  After  his  safe  arrival 
in  France  it  began  to  be  mooted  around  where  Steph- 
ens had  been  so  carefully  concealed,  notwithstanding 
the  great  rewards  for  his  capture  and  threats  of  ruin 
for  anyone  who  would  harbor  him.     No  one  knew  for 


MICHAEL  BRESLIN. 


sure  but  a  few,  and  Dublin  was  lost  in  bewildernient. 
After  some  time  suspicion  fell  on  the  good  Samaritan, 
but  it  was  only  suspicion,  still  it  was  sufficient  to  cause 
her  to  lose  all  the  patronage  of  the  flunkeys,  including 
the  respectable  ''loyal"  shoneens,  who  considered  them- 
selves superior  to  the  mere  Irish. 

Miss  Mulcahy,  sister  of  Denis  Dowling  Mulcahy, 
leaving  her  nice,  quiet  home  by  the  Anner,  came  to  the 
city  on  hearing  of  his  arrest.    Miss  O'Leary  soon  found 


IRISH  REVOLUTIONARY  BROTHERHOOD.         155 

occupation  for  her  talents,  which  up  to  this  time  had 
been  confined  to  the  care  of  her  aged  father,  who  was 
as  hopeful  to  the  last  as  the  youngest  among  us.  She 
threw  herself  into  the  cause  as  earnestly  and  unspar- 
ingly as  might  be  expected  of  her.  It  was  wonderful 
to  see  what  these  good  young  women  were  capable  of 
doing  and  the  fatigues  and  anxieties  they  underwent, 
when  once  they  became  interested.  She  loved  her  brother 
Denis  and,  if  necessary,  was  willing  to  take  his  place  in 
the  ranks  or  in  the  prison  cell. 

In  this  connection  Miss  Shaw  well  deserves  to  be  re- 
membered. She  was  in  charge  of  the  Ladies'  Commit- 
tee Rooms  and  devoted  herself  unsparingly  to  the  task 
of  attending  to  the  wants  of  the  families  of  the  prison- 
ers. 

Neil  Breslin,  a  modest,  unassuming  young  man,  ren- 
dered good  service.  He  was  a  brother  of  John  and 
Michael  Breslin,  but  much  younger.  He  was  a  strip- 
ling at  this  time  but  took  a  man's  part — the  work  done 
and  the  services  rendered  by  this  class  of  youths  can 
never  be  fully  known.  They  worked  with  a  will,  they 
received  no  pay,  no  emolument  of  any  kind,  all  their 
young  energies  were  concentrated  in  the  movement  that 
took  possession  of  their  every  faculty  and  they  never 
wearied  and  never  failed  in  the  good  work. 

Jeremiah  O'Farrell,  of  Kilkenny,  was  one  of  the  most 
active  young  men  in  his  native  city.  When  Haltigan 
was  leaving  there  to  take  charge  of  the  Irish  People 
newspaper  he  brought  O'Farrell  with  him  to  Dublin 
and  appointed  him  caretaker  of  the  office  building,  No. 
12  Parliament  Street.  He  also  brought  two  printers 
with  him,  who  were  devoted  to  the  movement — Ed- 
ward Martin  and  John  Neville.  These  men  continued 
their  activity  in  the  metropolis  and  soon  had  a  Circle 
of  their  own,  of  which  Haltigan  was  the  centre. 

Daniel  Downing,  of  Skibbereen,  brother  of  Colonel 
Patrick  and  Major  Denis  Downing  of  the  American 
army,  was  another  of  these  young  men  who  distin- 
guished themselves,  as  was  also  the  good  and  earnest 
Cornelius  O'Mahony,  of  Skibbereen,  an  unsophisticated 
but  gifted  school  teacher  who  was  one  of  the  first  con- 


is6 


A  TERSOXAL  NARRATIVE  OE  THE 


victed.  He  was  acquitted  by  the  first  jury,  but  Barry, 
the  prosecutor  (called  Judas  Barry  for  his  recreancy  to 
the  Irish  cause),  immediately  put  him  on  trial  again 
with  a  packed  jury  and,  of  course,  found  him  guilty.  He 
was  sentenced  to  five  years'  penal  servitude. 


NIAL  J.  BRESLIN. 
(From  a  Recent  Photograph.) 

Tames  Cook,  Samuel  Cavanagh,  James  Callaghan, 
Patrick  Lennon  and  Mercer  McDermott,  all  of  the  city 
of  Dublin,  were  among  the  most  active  workers  in  the 
cause — all  faithful  men  who  nobly  did  their  duty.  They 
have  all,  with  the  exception  of  Samuel  Cavanagh  and 
James  Cook,  passed  to  their  reward.  May  they  and  all 
who  have  suffered  in  Ireland's  cause  rest  in  peace. 

FINIS. 


APPENDIX 

TO 

DENIEFFE'S  RECOLLECTIONS, 


KOREWORD 


The  following  Fenian  letters,  papers,  reports,  etc.,  collected 
from  many  sources,  have  been  arranged  in  chronological  order 
and  printed  verbatim  from  the  originals. 

O'Donovan  Rossa  placed  at  my  disposal  not  only  his  own 
papers,  but  also  the  papers  and  correspondence  of  John  O'Mahony 
which  were  given  him  after  the  death  of  the  latter.  The  papers 
of  General  Sweeny  were  made  accessible  through  the  courtesy  of 
his  son,  Mr.  William  M.  Sweeny.  Autograph  letters  by  James 
Stephens,  John  Mitchell,  and  others  were  supplied  by  Mr.  John 
Quinn,  Secretary  of  the  Irish  Literary  Society.  The  papers  of 
Dr.  Denis  Dowling  Mulcahy  are  in  the  possession  of  the  writer 
of  this  brief  instroduction — in  fact,  there  is  so  much  material,  I 
have  been  unable  to  find  space  for  all  and  have  therefore  made  a 
selection  which  I  think  sufficient  for  the  purpose. 

Photographs  and  portraits  for  the  Recollections  and  Appendix 
were  supplied  by  Mr.  P.  J.  Meehan,  Mr.  James  Haltigan,  Mr. 
P.  W.  Dunne  and  others. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  all  these  historic  letters,  papers,  photo- 
graphs, etc.,  have  not  been  collected  and  deposited  in  some  public 
library,  where  they  would  be  accessible  for  all  time  to  future 
writers  and  students  of  history.  They  are  added  to  this  work,  in 
the  form  of  an  Appendix,  because  they  have  a  direct  bearing  on 
Mr.  Denieffe's  Recollections  and  are  supplementary  to  and  cor- 
roborative of  his  Narrative.  In  addition  they  give  an  interesting 
inside  history  of  the  movement  and  throw  a  strong  light  on  the 
personality  of  the  principal  characters  and  the  motives  which 
governed  them.  Apart  from  this,  because  of  their  historical  value, 
they  deserve  to  be  preserved  by  publication  in  permanent  form 
for  use,  perhaps,  by  some  future  historian  who  shall  do  justice 
to  the  earnest  and  sincere  Fenian  men  of  '61-65,  who  cheerfully 
and  ungrudgingly  gave  up  all  that  life  holds  dear — family,  friends, 
fortune,  even  life  itself,  for  the  Cause. 

STEPHFN  J.  RICHARDSON. 


(158) 


APPENDIX  TO 
DENIEFFE'S   RECOI  LECTIONS. 


This  letter,  in  the  handwriting  of  James  Stephens,  was  written 
from  Paris  on  New  Year's  Day,  1858,  (in  the  early  days  of  the 
movement),  to  Michael  Doheny,  and  tells  what  could  be  done  in 
the  way  of  organizing  an  armed  revolutionary  force  in  Ireland  if 
only  the  necessary  money  could  be  provided.  The  letter  is  in- 
complete, and,  of  course,  unsigned. 


Paris,  January  1,  1858. 

My  Dear  Doheny: — As  this  is  strictly  a  business  letter  you 
will  excuse  the  absence  of  all  explanations  of  a  personal  na- 
ture. I  reserve  everything  of  the  kind  for  some  future  occa- 
sion— perhaps  the  hour  I  shall  grasp  your  hand  in  mine  witti 
all  the  truth  and  fervor  of  our  hunted  days. 

To  the  point. 

Presuming  the  information  given  by  Mr.  C.  to  be  correct, 
I  proceed  to  state  the  conditions  on  which  I  can  accept  the 
proposed  co-operation  of  our  transatlantic  brothers,  and  the 
great  personal  responsibility  devolving  on  myself.  Lest  you 
should  have  over-rated  my  capability  and  influence,  it  may 
be  well  to  inform  you  what  I  am  convinced  I  can  do  in  a  given 
time,  always  provided  you  are  prepared  to  comply  with  my  con- 
ditions, which  I  believe  essential.  Bearer  of  this  letter  leaves 
by  to-night's  mail,  and  I  undertake  to  organize  in  three  montns 
from  the  date  of  his  return  here  at  least  10,000,  of  whom  about 
1,500  shall  have  firearms  and  the  remainder  pikes.  These  men, 
moreover,  shall  be  so  organized  as  to  be  available  (all  of  them) 
at  any  one  point  in  twenty-four  hours'  notice  at  most.  It  must 
be  needless  to  say  that  such  an  organization  as  this  represents 
the  whole  body  of  Irish  Nationalists — even  the  indifferent  would 
be  inevitably  drawn  after  us,  the  start  once  given.  Nor  do  I 
hesitate  to  assert  that,  with  the  aid  of  the  500  brave  fellows 
you  promise,  we  shall  have  such  a  prospect  of  success  as  has 
not  offered  since — I  cannot  name  the  epoch  of  our  history. 

Now  for  the  conditions.  The  first  is  money.  There  is  a  slight 
leproach  in  my  words  when  I  say:  you  ought  to  have  foreseen 
this,  knowing  as  you  do  that  the  men  of  property  are  not  with 
us  (of  course  I  speak  but  of  the  national  men  of  property),  and 
that  we  are  without  means,  you  would  have  shown  a  wise  fore- 

(159) 


i6o  APPENDIX    TO 

sight  by  sending  us  the  nerves  of  organization  as  of  war.  I  shall 
be  able  to  borrow  enough  to  go  on  with  the  work  till  I  hear 
from  you;  that  is,  on  a  limited  scale,  and  at  great  inconvenience 
to  myself  and  friends,  but  anything  lilve  delay  on  your  part 
will  not  only  retard  its  progress,  but  otherwise  injure  the 
Cause  and  should  you  be  unable  to  come  into  my  terms,  the 
business  must  be  given  up  altogether.  You  must  then  be  able 
to  furnish  from  £80  to  £100  a  month,  dating  from  the  depar- 
ture of  bearer  from  New  York.  Had  I  a  casting  voice  in  your 
council,  I  should,  moreover,  suggest  you  sending  500  men  un- 
armed to  England,  there  to  meet  an  agent  who  should  furnish 
each  of  them  with  an  Enfield  rifle.  This,  of  course,  would  in- 
volve considerable  expense;  but  were  it  possible  it  would  so 
stave  off  suspicion  that  we  might  fall  on  them  altogether  by 
surprise.  Of  course,  too,  this  money  should  come  from  you, 
and  I  beg  of  you,  if  possible,  to  raise  it  and  act  on  my  sugges- 
tion. 

A  few  words  as  to  my  position.  I  believe  it  essential  to  suc- 
cess that  the  centre  of  this  or  any  similar  organization  should 
be  perfectly  unshackled;  in  other  words,  a  provisional  dictator. 
On  this  point  I  can  conscientiously  concede  nothing.  That  I 
should  not  be  worried  or  hampered  by  the  wavering  or  imbecile 
iL  will  be  well  to  make  out  this  in  proper  form,  with  the  signa- 
ture of  every  influential  Irishman  of  our  union. 

N.  B. — Bearer  may  be  trusted  unto  the  death. 


n 

This  letter  was  written  by  James  Stephens  in  Paris  on  March 
5,  1860,  and  was  brought  to  John  O'Mahony  by  Patrick  Downing 
(afterward  Colonel  Patrick  Downing.  Tammany,  or  42d  Regi- 
ment in  the  Civil  War). 


Paris,  March  5,  1860. 
John  O'Mahony, 

Brother: — This  will  be  given  you  by  Patrick  Downing,  one 
of  the  "State  prisoners."  He  is  a  townsman  and  particular 
friend — a  blood  relation,  too — of  Donahy,  who.  should  I  for- 
get to  bespeak  bearer  a  cordially,  honorable  reception,  would 
not  fail  to  secure  it  for  him.  Indeed,  bearer  is  of  the  stuft 
that  recommends  itself,  and  should  give  you  a  high  opinion  or 
the  manhood  of  his  district;  for  what  but  a  high  opinion  can 
you  form  of  a  district,  the  sub-centres  of  which  are  at  all  like 
my  friend  Mr.  Downing.  He  has  been  by  my  side  for  the  last 
fortnight,  and  every  day  has  raised  him  more  and  more  in 
my  estimation.  I  answer  for  it,  circumstances  shall  not  swerve 
him  from  what  he  believes  a  high  and  holy  duty.  Receive  him, 
then,  in  all  earnest  brotherhood— be  a  real  brother  and  a 
friend  to  him. 


DENIEFFE'S   RECOLLECTIONS.  i6i 

To  be  able  to  say  conscientiously  that  we  have  lost  nothing 
at  home  since  you  last  heard  from  me  is,  in  my  opinion,  more 
than  our  transatlantic  brothers  can  possibly  expect.  This  is  a 
simple  statement,  and  must  not  be  construed  into  a  complaint 
of  the  men  at  your  side.  No  complaint  shall  ever  be  written  by 
me — no  murmur  of  any  kind,  however  skilfully  hidden  in  a 
mental  reservation.  My  words  are  to  be  taken  for  what  they 
bear  on  the  surface — I  nothing  extenuate,  nor  set  down  aught 
In  malice.  I  can  affirm,  then,  that  we  are  as  strong  as  when 
Donahy  left  home.  That  is  so  far  as  I  know;  for,  unfortu- 
nately, I  have  not  been  able  to  effect  communication  with  all 
our  centres  as  yet.  Though  I  have  written  this  last  sentence, 
it  appears  to  me  next  to  superfluous.  You  understand  organiza- 
tion and  must  consequently  know  that,  with  the  means  at  my 
disposal,  I  could  not  possibly  have  got  our  widely  scattered 
forces  into  complete  order. 

All  our  friends,  however,  are  not  equally  acquainted  with 
the  nature  of  the  machinery  I  have  to  work,  and  to  these  it 
may  be  necessary — at  all  events  I  deem  it  my  duty — to  say, 
that  a  great  difference  between  our  position  and  that  of  men 
of  large  resources  is  that  we  must  pay  more  for  an  inferior 
article  than  rich  folk  pay  for  a  superior  one.  1  leave  it  to 
you  to  complete  my  ideas.  Some  dozen  centres,  then,  are  work- 
ing in  the  dark,  or  with  such  light  only  as  comes  to  them  by 
what  I  may  call  refraction.  Thirty-two  centres  are  at  their 
post;  five  or  six  of  whom,  however,  require  a  very  effective 
curb,  and  two  others  a  touch  of  the  spur. 

One  of  the  latter  has  written  to  me  lately  to  the  effect  that 
his  circumstances  will  not  admit  of  his  remaining  longer  in 
the  country.  I  do  not  believe  him;  but  should  he  go  we  shall 
not,  probably,  lose  another  man — B.,  C.  or  D. — but  himself;  it 
is  even  likely  v/e  shall  gain  by  his  loss.  To  make  up  for  the 
persons  in  question,  a  centre  reported  lost  or  doubtful  in  my 
list  turns  out  all  we  could  wish  with  terrible  reasons  for  work- 
ing himself  into  our  van.  No  additional  centres  have  been 
made;  and,  in  our  present  circumstances,  I  am  by  no  (means 
desirous  they  should  unless  in  some  very  exceptipnal  case. 
Thus,  the  details  carry  out  the  affirmation  that  we  have  lost 
nothing  since  you  last  heard  from  me. 

And  here  I  may  as  well  state  once  for  all  that  you  need 
apprehend  no  very  essential  loss.  Were  what  I  did  at  ^t«^e  the 
work  of  a  petulant  schoolboy,  blustering  agitator  or  "Young 
Ireland"  ramschackle,  you  would  have  just  cause  for  appre- 
hension. Rely  on  it,  brother,  it  is  the  work  of  a  man,  I  am 
so  sure  of  this  myself  that  should  you  be  unable  to  send  me  a 
dollar  I  would  still  undertake  to  maintain  an  organization  of 
at  least  15,000  men,  not  only  for  a  year  longer,  but  for  seven 
yea.rs  if  needful. 

And  what  I  am  able  to  do  you  may  rely  on  being  done,  come 
what  may;  for  it  would  be  as  impossible  to  swerve  me  from  my 
^xed  resolve  as  for  might  of  man  to  wrest  a  star  from  its  orbit. 
With  such  a  basis  of  operations  at  home  I   should  be  satis- 


i62  APPENDIX    TO 

fied  to  suffer  as  the  zealot  suffered  at  the  stake,  and  should 
not  cease  to  toil  while  soul  and  body  held  together.  Brother,  I 
ask  you  to  do  no  more  than  I  myself  have  been  doing  and 
shall  do  to  the  end.  Fear  nothing,  then,  but  double,  over  and 
over  again,  your  efforts.  You  and  I  at  least  have  gone  into 
this  cause  resolved  to  succeed  or  die.  Can  I  not  answer  for 
your  resolve  as  for  my  own?  I  should  say  "yea,"  though  the 
contrary  were  written  in  fire  in  the  heavens  above  my  head.  Say 
as  much  for  me,  believing  it  in  the  depths  of  your  soul.  Do 
not  think,  though  writing  thus,  that  I  am  insensible  to  the 
hardships  of  your  position.  I  feel  them  all  to  the  quick  as 
keenly  as  if  every  base  and  coward  blow  were  aimed  at  my 
heart.  But  no  great  aim  like  ours  has  ever  yet  been  attained 
without  suffering  as  well  as  toil.     Toil  and  suffer  on. 

By  the  way,  it  has  become  a  trueism  among  men  of  our  stamp 
that  suffering,  so  far  from  being  a  misfortune,  is  a  positive 
blessing:  it  purifies  and  ennobles.  No  small  nature,  I  am  con- 
vinced, can  bear  suffering  without  loss;  but  the  soul  of  a  man 
comes  out  of  it  a  thing  of  great  worth.  Suffer  and  toil  on  1 
say.  I  would  not  for  my  own  self  be  spared  the  one  as  I  am 
sure  never  to  relax  in  the  other.  Nor  think  for  an  instant 
that  the  M's  and  this  set,  with  all  their  various  wretched  tales 
can  materially  check,  much  less,  foil  you.  They  have  already 
done  well-nigh  their  worst,  and  I  heed  them  no  more  than  the 
passing  breeze.  Verily!  you  altogether  over-rate  their  in- 
fluence. With  us  they  could  do  much  good,  especially  a  year 
ago;  against  us  they  are  nothing,  openly  against  us,  their 
heels  would  be  soon  on  the  nether  millstone. 

It  seems  to  me  also  that  you  altogether  exaggerate  what  the 
returned  could  do  were  they  mischief-bent.  It  is  a  very  serious 
loss  certainly  the  return  of  these  men.  But  the  simple  fact  of 
our  not  having  been  able  to  keep  up  our  relations  with  all  the 
centres  at  home  fully  accounts  for  our  not  having  been  able  to 
do  so  with  these  men,  some  of  whom  went  to  districts  to  which 
the  organization  had  never  extended.  You  say  that  three  are 
doing  good  business.  Had  I  received  anything  like  the  support 
I  was  entitled  to  expect,  every  effective  man  who  went  home 
would  have  the  same  tale  to  tell.  The  time,  however,  is  not 
far  distant  when  we  can  prove  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  our 
disappointed  friends  how  much  the  reality  exceeds  even  the 
picture  which  guided  them  to  their  native  homes. 

I  have  received  all  your  money  orders,  including  the  four 
last,  the  first  January  13th  for  1055.75  frs. ;  the  second,  Janu- 
ary 23d,  for  1158  frs.  75  cent.;  the  third,  February  6th,  for  515 
frs.,  and  the  last  February  16th  for  513  frs.  About  one  month 
ago  I  had  to  send  O'L.,  to  whose  address  the  three  last  orders 
came,  to  Ireland.  He  was  to  return  to  London  immediately 
and  there  settle  down  for  some  months,  sending  me  his  ad- 
^"ress  the  day  of  his  arrival.  The  circumstances,  inseparable 
from  men  of  small  means,  obliged  him  to  remain  longer  than 
he  expected  at  home,  so  that  I  did  not  get  his  address  in  Lon- 
don till   Friday  last   (March  2d).     I  at  once  posted  the  third 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  163 

last  money  order  for  his  signature.  Received  it  signed  by  him 
yesterday  (Sunday),  so  that  I  could  not  get  it  cashed  till  to- 
day. Forwarded  to  him  the  two  last  orders  for  his  signature 
to-day.  This  will  account  for  the  delay  my  friend  Mr.  Down- 
ing has  been  forced  to  make  here — and  for  other  matters  if 
they  be  only  properly  weighed.  Spite  of  this  manifest  in- 
convenience, you  must  continue  to  send  orders  to  O'L.'s  address 
(here),  till  you  hear  from  me  again.  In  my  next  letter  I  expect 
to  be  able  to  direct  you  to  forward  your  orders  to  the  address 
of  de  la  Valette;  you  know  the  significance  of  that,  but  the 
knowledge  is  for  yourself  alone,  Doheny  and  Donalog. 

This  letter  is  simply  a  hurried  jotting  down  of  certain  indis- 
pensable things.  My  next  shall  be  a  letter  in  something  like 
form.  My  intention  from  the  first  had  been  to  send  out  to 
you,  one  after  the  other,  and  at  intervals  of  from  a  fortnight 
to  a  month,  the  chief  if  not  all  the  prisoners.  Dream  you  the 
enemy  (chiefly  of  Celtic,  not  Saxon  blood)  could  have  stood 
out  against  that!  My  intention  is  still  the  same.  You  may  ex- 
pect another  of  them  a  fortnight,  or  at  farthest,  a  month  after 
bearer;  the  other  shall  follow,  soon  as  I  can.  As  most,  if  not 
all,  these  men  are  to  return  home  you  should  use  a  certain 
discretion  in  bringing  them  before  the  public;  but  they,  one 
and  all,  place  themselves  absolutely  in  your  hands. 

J.  S. 


in. 

In  1860  an  effort  was  made  to  create  a  feeling  of  dissatisfac- 
tion among  the  members  of  the  I.  R.  B.  with  the  work  of  James 
Stephens  and  John  O'Mahony,  looking  toward  their  removal, 
with  a  view  of  filling  their  places  with  more  active  and  ener- 
getic men. 

To  counteract  this  Thomas  Clarke  Luby,  Denis  Dowling  Mul- 
cahy  and  others  sent  out  a  letter  in  which  the  fullest  confidence 
in  "James  and  John"  was  expressed,  and  asked  all  the  leading 
Centres  in  Ireland  to  sign  it.  The  letter  was  fully  indorsed  by 
the  Centres,  although  it  took  some  time  to  get  all  their  sig- 
natures. 

The  following  letter  was  written  by  Denis  Dowling  Mulcahy 
to  Thomas  Clarke  Luby  and  enclosed  a  slip  on  which  he  had 
secured  a  number  of  signatures  of  Centres  to  be  attached  to 
the  letter  of  confidence. 

The  original  document  with  all  the  signatures  in  is  now  in 
the  possession  of  Mr.  John  Quinn,  secretary  of  the  Irish  Lit- 
erary Society  of  New  York. 


Redmondstown,  Clonmel,  August  6,  1860. 
My  Dear  Luby:— I  write  this  letter  as  a  voucher  for  the  names 
of  the  Centres  on  the  enclosed  slip  of  paper,  which  I  have  un- 
hesitatingly obtained  on  representing  to  them  the  vile  calumny 


i64  APPENDIX    TO 

of  the  base  and  unscrupulous  men  who  have  been  endeavoring, 
through  motives  of  ambition  and  emulation,  wilfully  and  ma- 
levolently to  asperse  the  characters  and  blast  the  justly  earned 
popularity  of  the  purest,  the  noblest,  the  most  self-sacrificing — 
and  I  may  add,  the  most  trusted  Irish  patriots  of  the  present 
day— in  the  persons  of  S.  and  O'M.,  that  ever  devoted  their 
energies,  consecrated  their  talents  or  sacrificed  personal  inter- 
est and  ambition  in  working  for  so  holy  and  so  just  a  cause  as 
the  regeneration  of  their  native  land^  and  the  deliverance  of 
her  children  from  slavery  and  degradation  into  which  they 
have  been  plunged  for  centuries  through  the  treachery,  dis- 
cord and  self-interestedness  of  such  men  as  those  brawling, 
mercenary  and  slanderous  would-be  patriots,  who  go  about 
vilifying  and  misrepresenting  the  pure  motives  of  pure  men, 
insinuating  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of  statements  made  by  them, 
sowing  discord  among  the  united,  prejudicing  and  poisoning 
the  minds  of  the  credulous,  who  at  present  see  neither  the  ob- 
ject nor  baseness  of  their  motives. 

The  confidence  which  the  Centres  of  this  movement  shall 
express  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  restore  faith  in  the  deserving 
and  awaken  their  lethargy  or  distrust,  and  make  them  stand 
aghast  at  the  ravening  wolves  in  fleecy  raiment,  who  had  been 
doing  the  work  of  the  enemy  by  striving  to  sever  the  bond  ot 
unity  which  holds  together  so  many  thousands  of  staunch  Irish- 
men, both  at  home  and  in  America. 

The  sentiments  expressed  in  this  letter  are  the  sentiments 
cf  the  Centres  whose  names  are  inscribed  on  the  enclosed  slip  of 
paper,  who  would,  if  it  were  necessary  go  to  New  York  to 
attest  their  confidence  in  S.  and  O'M.  Now  I  add,  my  dear 
Luby,  that  these  sentiments  are  fully  indorsed  by 
Your  friend  and  brother, 

DENIS  D.  MULUAHY,  JR. 

Thomas  Clarke  Luby,  Esq. 


IV 

The  following  letter,  written  by  John  Mitchell  in  Paris  in 
1861  to  John  O'Mahony  in  Ireland,  was  found  among  the  lat- 
ter's  papers  after  his  death,  and  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
"The  O'Donohue"  was  in  sympathy  with  the  principles  of  the 
I.  R.  B. 

It  also  anticipates  the  formation  of  a  "Society"  or  organiza- 
tion for  patriotic  purposes,  which  should  be  conducted  as  far 
as  possible  within  legal  lines.  In  all  probability  the  Brother- 
hood of  St.  Patrick  was  meant. 


Cioisy-le-roi,  1  Rue  St.  Nicholas,  May  8,  '61. 
My  Dear  O'Mahony: — You  are  still,  I  believe,  in  Ireland,  so 
J  write  to  you  on  the  chance  of  my  letter  finding  you.     I  have 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  165 

been  expecting  for  a  good  while  to  hear  from  you  and  have  felt 
a  good  deal  more  interest  in  your  Phoenix  Society  since  1 
knew  that  you  were  in  Ireland  taking  charge  of  it  yourself. 
It  is  not  so  widely  spread  or  so  efficaciously  armed  and  pre- 
pared as  you  would  wish,  and  as  I  would  wish,  but  still  so  far 
as  it  goes,  and  to  the  extent  of  its  organization,  it  is  good. 
I  write  now  only  to  tell  you  that  I  have  met  The  O'Donoghue 
(by  appointment)  at  Boulogne  and  spent  the  day  in  conversa- 
tion with  him.  It  appears  to  me  that  he  is  fully  and  minutely 
in  accordance  with  both  you  and  me  on  the  hopes,  chances  and 
resources  of  the  cause.  And  I  wish  that  you  were  in  communi- 
cation with  him — so  far  as  your  system  authorizes  you  to  enter 
into  communication  with  an  outside  man. 

He  is  to  attempt  in  a  day  or  two  to  present  the  national  peti- 
tion to  the  Queen  (it  will  be  refused;  that  is,  the  Home  Secre- 
tary will  not  even  allow  him  an  audience  to  present  it),  then 
he  v/ill  present  the  City  of  Dublin  petition  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  It  will  be  met,  as  he  expects,  with  shrieks,  coughs, 
<^neezes.  Then  he  will  quit  Parliament  and  go  home  to  Ire- 
land, where  it  is  probable  he  will  ask  the  people  to  join  in 
some  organization  for  further  measures.  His  new  organization 
will  not  be  illegal,  but  though  ostensibly  legal  and  open,  it  will 
and  must  naturally  seek  to  connect  itself  with  whatsoever  se- 
cret machinations  may  be  going  on.  That  is  to  say,  in  other 
words,  it  will  be  an  organization  looking  to  revolution,  foreign 
aid  and  more  or  less  directly  preparing  for  that,  though  for 
the  moment  within  the  forms  of  the  lav/.  I  do  seriously  be- 
lieve O'D.  to  be  honest  and  determined  and  thoroughgoing. 
You  need  not  apprehend  the  influence  of  G.  H.  Moore.  I  think 
we  have  so  arranged  matters  that  we  shall  make  use  of  him, 
not  he  of  us. 

Will  you  ascertain  the  time  that  O'D.  is  to  return  to  Ire- 
land and  give  him  a  meeting,  either  in  Dublin  or  anywhere  in 
Tipperary  you  please.  He  wishes  it,  and  I  adv^ised  it.  But  of 
course  I  do  not  imagine  or  suggest  that  you  should  tell  him 
anything  more  than  you  would  tell  me.  All  I  want  to  impress 
upon  you  is  that  he  is  earnestly  bent  on  turning  men's  minds 
away  from  Parliament  and  away  from  English  parties,  and 
fully  bent  on  inviting  and  cultivating  French  aid. 

And  with  such  views  he  must  be  conscious,  and  is  so,  that 
your  organization — to  whatsfoever  extent  it  may  exist — is  a 
power  to  be  counted  on. 

I  don't  exactly  know  your  address,  but  hope  this  will  find 
you.  If  you  write  to  me  address  to  M.  Andrew  Wilson  at  this 
place.  But  I  don't  ask  you  to  write,  and  perhaps  it  is  better 
not,  as  I  believe  all  letters  to  me  or  from  me  will  soon  be  in 
danger  of  hostile  inspection.  All  I  mean  is  to  certify  to  you 
that  I  think  we  may  rely  upon  this  man  and  that  I  would  expect 
gooa  results  from  an  interview  between  you  and  him. 

Yours  very  truly, 

J.  M.    (John  Mitchel.) 


i66  APPENDIX   TO 


V 


This  letter  was  written  by  James  Stephens  to  John  O'Mahony 
and  refers  to  the  McManus  funeral,  the  scene  at  LimericR 
Junction,  etc.  .fhis  was  followed  by  a  supplementary  letter 
dated  February  25,  1862,  which  should  be  read  after  this. 


Dublin,  November  16,  ISfc'l. 

Brother:— This  is  not  the  time  for  a  full  explanation,  the  time 
and  circumstances  being  unfavorable.  Nor  must  you  think  1 
feel  at  all  bound  to  apologize  for  my  long  silence.  In  fact, 
I  have  noL  been  silent.  In  proof  of  this,  witness  Father  O'-b'.^ 
letters  written  at  my  suggestion;  the  Cork  address,  publicly 
recognizing  you,  favored  by  rhe,  and,  at  my  request  indorsed 
by  the  Dublin  Committee,  the  Clonmel  and  Kilkenny  ad- 
dresses written  by  me  at  a  time  I  was  in  danger  of  death  from 
over-exertion,  etc.,  etc.  Moreover,  but  for  Father 's  unex- 
pected departure  you  should  have  had  a  long  letter — such  a  one 
as  I  could  not  entrust  to  the  post.  It  shall  be  brought  you  by 
Capt.  Smith,  who  will  leave  this  place  in  a  month  or  six  weeks. 

Meantime  the  public  press,  to  say  nothing  of  the  private 
communications  you  shall  have  received,  ought  to  satisfy  the 
most  exigent  of  men.  Apropos 'of  Capt.  S.  He  has  given  me 
and  all  my  friends  thorough  satisfaction,  and  owing  to  your 
strong  recommendation  we  have  paid  him  such  honor  here  as 
has  rarely  fallen  to  the  lot  of  an  Irishman.  I  have,  how- 
ever, to  prepare  you  against  one  mistake  of  his,  to  which  you 
owe  this  note.  The  report  of  the  American  delegates  was 
drawn  up  by  Doheny,  and,  Capt.  S.  (who  with  this  single  ex- 
ception had  submiT.ted  not  only  what  the  delegates  had  pre- 
viously written  but  the  address,  etc.,  of  the  various  Irish  depu- 
tations) not  seeing  anything  to  object  to,  posted  the  report 
wihout  having  let  me  see  it.  Now,  from  the  very  nature  of 
Doheny's  mind,  I  fear  that  report  must  be  faulty  in  more  ways 
than  one:  he  may  have  written  things  better  omitted,  and 
he  is  sure  to  have  omitted  things  of  importance  which  should 
have  found  a  place  in  it.  Even ^ you,  owing  to  your  absence, 
cannot  be  fully  sensible  of  the  whole  importance  of  the  omis- 
sions alluded  to.  You  are,  however,  in  a  position  to  judge 
the  exceptionable  matter,  and  I  call  on  you  to  strike  out  any- 
thing of  the  kind  you  detect. 

Astounding  as  the  newspaper  accounts  of  the  funeral  must 
appear  to  every  Irishman  in  the  States,  the  most  favorable 
account  is  far  below  the  reality.  The  funeral  procession  in 
Cork  numbered  from  80,000  to  100.000,  about  8,000  walking  in 
regular  order.  Such  men  as  Denny  Lane,  John  Francis  Ma- 
guire,  John  O'Donnell,  of  Limerick,  etc.,  were  thunderstruck. 
They  could  not  have  believed  such  a  demonstration  possible 
without  the  co-operation  of  the  clergy,  at  least,  if  not  the 
leaders.  Still,  the  opinion  of  such  parties  was  that  Dublin — 
rotten.  Dublin— would  be  a  blank  failure!  You  will  have 
heard  of  the  sublimely  touching  scene  at  the  Limerick  Junction, 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  167 

as  well  as  the  splendid  reception  at  the  Dublin  station.  You 
will  also  have  heard  of  the  thousands  (from  ten  to  sixteen 
thousand)  who  daily  and  nightly  visited  the  Mechanic's  Insti- 
tute during  the  week  the  remains  lay  in  state  there. 

An  infamous  (I  write  deliberately)  attempt  was  made  on 
Saturday  night  to  make  the  burial  next  day  a  failure.  This 
attempt  was  the  work  of  Father  Kenyon  (the  leader)  John 
P.lartin,  and  such  carrion  as  Cantwell,  etc.,  even  The  O'Donohoe 
allowed  himself  to  be  wheedled  into  the  affair,  though  he  has 
since  disconnected  himself  from  the  miserable  clique,  who 
wore  all  utterly  crushed  by  the  wise  and  manful  action  of  the 
committee.  The  scene  on  this  occasion  was  equal  to  one  of  the 
stormy  ones  of  the  French  convention,  and  never  before  had 
the  Irish  people  given  such  proof  of  their  ability  to  govern  them- 
selves. Be  your  faith  in  them  strong  as  mine  is.  Kenyon  lost 
his  wits  all  out — he  insulted  every  member  of  the  committee, 
and  when  leaving  in  a  rage  threatened  to  prevent  the  funeral 
next  day,  declaring:     "You  shall  have  no  funeral,"  etc. 

He  and  others  then  went  to  Miss  McManus  and  by  calumny, 
etc.,  endeavored  to  prevail  on  her  to  interfere  and  have  the 
body  taken  from  the  American  delegation,  Dublin  committee, 
etc.  They  were  miserably  disappointed,  having  succeeded  in 
nothing  but  to  make  themselves  odious  in  Miss  McManus's  eyes 
as  well  as  the  eyes  of  every  true  heart  in  Ireland.  What  effect 
had  their  conduct  on  Sunday's  demonstration?  In  numbers, 
feeling  and  order  nothing  like  it  has  ever  been  witnessed  in 
Dublin.  One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  took  part  in  the  gen- 
eral procession,  30,000  marching  in  regular  order. 

Post  hour  up. 

Yours  fraternally, 

J.  S. 


VI 

This  long  and  exceedingly  interesting  letter  of  twelve  closely 
written  pages  in  the  handwriting  of  James  Stephens  describes 
the  events  leading  up  to  the  McManus  funeral  in  Dublin,  and 
contains  his  personal  and  unflattering  opinion  of  several  men 
then  prominent  in  Irish  national  affairs.  It  throws  a  strong 
light  on  the  hidden  influences  behind  the  movement  which 
made  the  McManus  funeral  an  historic  event. 


Dublin.  February  25,  (1862). 
To  John  O'Mahony,  H.  C.  F.  B.,  New  York. 

Brother: — It  is  to-day  exactly  a  month  since  I  began  a  letter 
to  you  in  the  following  words:  "You  have  been  expecting  a 
letter  and  I  send  you  a  volume.  This  is  not  to  excuse  my 
long  silence,  convinced  as  I  am  of  your  having  ascribed  that 
silence  to  necessity  or  to  notions,  which,  while  unknown  to 
you,  have  to  me  appeared  cogent  and  wise.  It  is  thus  that 
one  friend  should  ever  interpret  another;  and  knowing  you, 
my  friend,  I  am  at  ease  about  your  constructions  of  my  silence." 


i68  APPENDIX    TO 

I  could  not  at  present  write  anything  more  to  the  point  than 
these  words.  But  while  deeming  excuses  as  needless  now  as 
they  then  were  I  am  more  than  ever  pained  at  my  inability  to 
give  you  a  full  account  of  events  since  we  parted.  This  inabil- 
ity has  been  chiefly  owing  to  close  confinement  for  more  than 
three  months.  It  is  useless  to  say  what  the  confinement  itself 
has  been  owing  to;  but,  however  vulgar  the  cause  (lack  of 
means  to  move  about),  while  this  cause  continues,  a  mental 
labor  of  any  consequence  will  certainly  be  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. 

Now,  the  volume  promised  at  the  head  of  this  letter  must 
be  rather  big  and  well  written,  else  it  had  better  not  be  written 
at  all.  This  being  so,  you  won't  be  expecting  it  over  soon; 
though  if  I  had  only  a  week's  good  air  and  exercise  in  the 
country,  it  would  not  take  me  very  long  to  write  my  volume, 
embracing  a  full  account  of  the  McManus  funeral,  the  "mass 
meeting"  at  the  Rotunda  and  all  the  infamous  action  of  the 
"trusted  leaders"  in  connection  with  these  events.  In  the  pres- 
ent letter  I  can  barely  glance  at  the  foregoing  matter.  I  shall 
call  the  McManus  funeral  a  memorable  deed,  the  proof  and 
test  of  our  words  and  toil.  No  man  who  took  part  in  it,  either 
in  Cork  or  Dublin,  can  forget  it  while  he  lives;  and  the  enemy 
(I  mean  the  national  muck  still  more  than  the  British  or  even 
West  British  brood)  will  remember  it  long  and  well.  It  cer- 
tainly raised  the  national  visor  overmuch. 

This  is  to  give  faith  to  our  transatlantic  brothers.  The  face- 
cloth is  removed  from  the  dead  nation,  and  lo!  instead  of  a 
dead  face  the  living  lines  of  strength  and  resolve  are  seen!  It 
was  a  grand  triumph.  Was  it  a  judicious  one?  You  know 
what  I  think  of  it;  but  I  will  here  say  that  had  we  been  fairly 
supported  even  then  immediately  after  the  funeral  we  should 
have  wrought  great  results  out  of  the  feeling  awakened"; 
whereas  that  feeling  may  now  be  said  to  have  injured  rather 
than  served  the  cause.  This  and  oth^r  things  will  not,  how- 
ever, be  sufficiently  clear  to  you  till  you  shall  have  read  the 
promised  volume.  Our  words  were  first  proved  publicly  true, 
our  strength  first  publicly  manifested  beyond  a  doubt  on  the 
3d  of  last  November.  This  was  in  Cork  city.  I  do  not  under- 
take to  sav  what  the  government  thought  of  that  demonstra- 
tion. Cork  had  nobly  earned  a  name  for  disaffection  to  British 
rule  and  it  may  be  the  government,  if  a  little  alarmed,  was  not 
taken  altogether  by  surprise.  But  were  its  functionaries  at  all 
prepared  for  what  took  place  in  Dublin  on  the  following  Sun- 
day? Assuredly  they  were  not,  and  it  is  scarcely  too  much 
to  say  that,  if  foreseen,  they  would  have  prevented  it  by  royal 
proclamation. 

Never  has  anything  comparable  to  it  been  witnessed  in  this 
city.  The  National  (?)  newspapers  have  given  you  but  a 
wretched  notion  of  it,  and  even  "honest  John  Mitchell"  glean- 
ing his  information  from  these  papers  and  their  hacks,  or 
through  notions  I  don't  profess  to  know,  grossly  understated 
its   magnitude   and   misconstrued   its   origin   and   significance. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  169 

One  hundred  and  fifty  Lhoiisand  men  took  part  in  the  Dublin 
procession,  30,000  of  them  marching  in  regular  order!  Think 
of  this  multitude  walking  such  a  distance  in  such  weather  to 
honor  a  rebel's  dust  I  Remember,  too,  that  every  man  of  all 
that  host  uncovered  as  he  passed  the  spot  where  Robert  Emmet 
died!  It  was  an  act  of  scorn  and  defiance  of  British  rule  almost 
tantamount  to  an  act  of  open  rebellion.  Those  who  organized 
that  funeral — who  worked  up  the  people  of  Dublin  to  all  this 
feeling,  spirit,  power  and  order — could  easily  (and  would  had 
they  but  arms)  have  brought  them  to  revolt— to  revolution. 
Believe  me,  dear  friend,  that  every  man  who  saw  the  people 
on  this  occasion  or  who  heard  about  them  from  reliable  sources 
— trust  me,  I  say,  that  every  such  man  who  still  doubts  the 
people  is  himself  rotten  to  the  heart's  core.  And  not  less  a 
humbug — not  less  utterly  rotten  is  that  nationalist  who,  aware 
of  our  action  in  the  McManus  funeral,  still  doubts  us.  For  all 
was  done  by  our  body. 

A  single  fact  proves  this  to  a  demonstration:  those  parts  of 
Ireland,  and  those  alone  worked  up  by  us,  sent  delegates  to  the 
funeral!  This  is  a  very  significant  fact  to  be  brought  home  to 
the  heart  of  every  true  Irishman,  proving  as  it  unquestionably 
proves,  that  outside  our  ranks  there  is  no  national  life  in 
Ireland.  And  in  America,  too,  may  we  not  claim  the  work  as 
almost  exclusively  ours?  Be  this  as  it  may  at  our  side,  we 
can  allow  no  share  at  all  to  mere  outsiders;  the  work  was 
ours  from  beginning  to  end.  I  repeat,  then,  that  the  Irisn 
Nationalist,  who,  aware  of  our  action  in  the  McManus  fun- 
eral, still  questions  our  power  and  ability  is  utterly  rotten. 

Now,  the  clique — the  "trusted  leaders"  and  their  small  tail — 
were  thoroughly  aware  of  the  work  being  ours  in  all  its  bear- 
ings. It  is  but  justice  to  them  to  say  that  they  did  not  think 
we  would  have  made  it  anything  like  what  it  turned  out.  But 
in  doing  them  this  justice  de  wo  not  stamp  them  with  political 
blindness  and  incapacity?  Oh!  could  they  only  have  foreseen 
the  great  result!  How  promptly  they  would  have  taken  action 
on  the  committee! — how  gladly  have  got  the  direction  of  af- 
fairs into  their  own  hands!  By  this  means  they  might  have 
staved  off — not  to  say  prevented  altogether — the  coming  events 
that  are  now  ringing  in  their  ears  like  the  crack  o'doom!  Poor 
purblind  and  bungling  cravens!  Oh!  they  were  far  from  fore- 
seeing what  we  were  preparing  for  them.  It  is  true  they  got  a 
hint  (how,  it  is  needless  to  say)  that  the  word  funeral  meant 
insurrection!  It  must  be  still  more  needless  to  say  that  that 
hint  introduced  them,  as  the  fact  says,  "to  a  few  of  the  sen- 
sations!" Yet  it  had  been  proved  to  them  in  a  way  to  set 
brave  men  at  ease  that  there  would  be  no  insurrection — that  I, 
almost  at  the  cost  of  my  life  from  excessive  toil,  had  made 
that  next  to  impossible. 

Whether  they  were  at  ease  or  not  is  more  than  I  undertake 
to  say.  However  this  be,  they  used  the  hint  not  against  those 
who  wildly  and  criminally  contemplated  a  rising  at  the  time, 
but  against  me,  without  whose  efforts  the  quickening  spirit  of 


170  APPENDIX   TO 

the  land  might  have  been  layed  forever;  a  small  share  of  blood- 
letting would  have  done  it  then.  But  mark  how  baseness  is  the 
mother  of  inconsistency.  While  calling  us  firebrands,  likely  to 
plunge  the  country  into  bloody  strife,  the  consequences  of 
which  were  horrible  to  contemplate,  they,  in  the  same  breath, 
asserted  that  we  were  only  a  few  rash  enthusiasts,  who,  could 
we  get  up  a  fight  at  all,  would  be  put  down  by  a  handful  of 
military!  The  government,  they  said,  though  fully  aware  of 
our  doings,  despised  us  too  much  to  give  us  any  attention  at 
all!  The  funeral,  chey  whiningly  prophesied,  would  be  a  blank 
failure!  Was  this  their  reason  for  standing  aloof  from  us? 
Or  was  it  sheer  fear  that  kept  them  away,  till,  on  the  3d  of 
November,  the  city  of  Cork  gave  the  first  great  public  proof 
of  a  nation  fully  awakened,  if  not  arisen,  and  showed  them 
the  necessity  of  doing  something  to  prevent  us  from  proving 
further  that  not  the  people  but  they  were  base?  For  it  is 
manifest  to  all  who  have  followed  the  careers  of  these  men — 
the  "trusted  leaders" — that  the  triumph  of  the  people  would  be 
their  infamy.  The  "trusted"  knew  this  well,  none  better,  and 
so  they  set  themselves  blindly  and  bunglingly  as  usual  to  pre- 
vent the  people's  triumph. 

Plottings,  born  of  many-sided  baseness,  began  in  earnest 
from  the  day  the  remains  were  borne  into  Dublin,  where  the 
clique  had  mustered  in  all  their  strength.  I  cannot,  tor  the 
present,  show  up  the  nefarious  action  of  the  clique.  They 
fancied  it  all  hidden  from  us  and  hoped  to  steal  a  march  on 
us.  Their  immediate  object  was  to  get  the  direction  of  the 
McManus  committee  into  their  own  hands,  taking  to  them- 
selves the  whole  credit  of  the  work;  their  ultimate  object  to 
break  up  our  organization,  and  either  found  a  legal  agitation 
or  reduce  the  national  action  to  a  mere  aspiration  after  unat- 
tainable liberty. 

We  were  prepared  for  them.  The  battle  between  us  took 
place  at  the  committee  room  the  night  before  the  funeral. 
Kenyon  and  John  Martin,  backed  by  the  presence  of  The 
O'Donohue  and  the  blackguardism  of  Cantwell  and  a  few 
others,  formed  the  opposition.  We  were  very  strong;  besides 
the  whole  body  of  the  committee  (which  numbered  more  than 
thirty  of  ours)  there  were  present  some  of  the  American  depu- 
tation and  several  provincial  delegates.  The  first  move  of  the 
enemy  was  for  nothing  less  than  the  mastery  of  the  commit- 
tee! Kenyon  was  the  chief  agent  in  this.  He  was  met  and  utter- 
ly defeated  by  the  Doctor  (Luby).  On  this  occasion  the  Doctor 
took  even  our  friend  by  surprise  and  raised  himself  to  his  just 
level  in  their  eyes.  Kenyon's  second  move  was  to  prevent  the 
delivery  of  the  oration.  You  know  he  had  been  offered  and 
declined  ihe  honor  of  speaking  on  this  occasion.  The  offer  was 
repeated,  his  refusal  also,  and  the  reasons  for  the  refusal  were 
pitiful. 

All  the  "trusted"  had  been  invited  to  speak  and  all  had  re- 
fused. Then  it  was  the  committee  decided  on  appointing  Capt. 
Smith.     On   hearing  of    Smith's   appointment  some   days   pre- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS. 


171 


viously,  Kenyon  expressed  great  satisfaction.  Why,  then,  this 
attempt  to  do  away  with  the  oration?  Kenyon  had  recom- 
mended that  it  should  be  written  beforehand.  This  had  already 
been  decided  on  by  us.  In  short,  every  condition  Kenyon  had 
previously  desired  happened  to  chime  in  with  our  decisions. 
Why,  then,  it  may  again  be  asked,  this  opposition  to  the 
speech?  The  reason  of  it  is  plain  as  the  way  to  the  parish 
church.  He  came  to  know  that  the  oration  would  be  written  by 
me.  This  was  alarming!  No  man  knew  the  action  of  the  dead 
as  well  as  I;  none,  therefore,  could  speak  of  him  with  more 
authority.  All  well  and  good,  but  what  might  not  I  say!  1 
knew  the  action  of  the  quick  as  well  as  the  dead;  and,  in  speak- 
ing of  the  latter,  how  did  I  mean  to  treat  the  former!  They 
knew  their  action  could  not  bear  the  light.  What  if  I  should 
shrow  up  the  shortcomings  of  the  whole  clique  in  '48!  What 
if  the  Sage  of  Templederry  himself  should  be  found  to  be  any- 
thing but  a  hero!  Could  they  have  laid  on  me,  who  dreams 
they  would  have  spared  me?  We  judge  others  by  ourselves, 
"wanting  the  mental  range."  It  T\'ould,  then,  be  hard  to  blame 
the  "trusted"  for  trying  to  avoid  such  an  exposure  as  was  to 
be  apprehended  from  so  uncompromising  a  hand  as  mine! 
Really,  he  should  sympathize  with  the  poor  clique  in  their 
anxiety  to  prevent  this  dreadful  oration! 

The  Sage  of  Templederry  did  his  best  to  procure  an  abortion. 
Again  he  met  and  was  baffled  and  utterly  defeated  by  the  doc- 
tor. He  then — nay,  almost  from  the  beginning — lost  all  self- 
control  and  behaved  like  a  lunatic — to  use  a  gentle  expression. 
He  repeatedly  told  the  committee  that  he  despised — he  scorned 
them!  that  they  were  a  poor — a  miserable  committee!  etc.,  etc. 
All  this  was  borne  by  my  friends;  because  they  don't  forget 
the  reverence  due  to  the  spiritual  character  of  the  priest,  even 
when,  as  in  the  present  case,  he  shows  himself  a  bad  man.  At 
times,  however,  the  bearing  and  language  of  Father  Kenyon 
were  so  outrageous  that  the  cry,  "Put  him  out!"  was  fierce  and 
general.  On  another  occasion  I  shall  give  you  all  necessary  de- 
tails of  a  meeting  which,  viev/ed  in  all  its  hearings  and  conse- 
quences, will  rank  among  the  most  memorable  of  our  history; 
on  this  night  a  great  principle — the  sovereignty  of  the  people — 
was,  for  the  first  time,  really  struggled  for  and  nobly  won  in 
Ireland. 

As  already  said,  this  second  defeat  made  Kenyon  frantic. 
Rushing  to  the  door  he  turned  and  said:  "You'll  have  no  ora- 
tion— no  funeral!  I'll  take  the  body  away  from  you!"  If  not 
certified  by  unimpeachable  testimony,  you  could  scarcely  deem 
him  capable  of  the  infamy  he  threatened  to  perpetrate.  He 
meant  what  he  said,  however,  and  did  his  best  to  carry  it  out. 
He  rushed  into  the  presence  of  Miss  McManus  (who  was  stop- 
ping with  the  American  deputation  at  the  Shelbourne  Hotel) 
and  tried  to  persuade  her  to  take  her  brother's  remains  out  of 
the  hands  of  that  pagan  committee  that  he  might  give  them 
Christian  burial! 
Now,  the  clique  had  been  all  the  week — especially  since  the 


1/2  APPENDIX    TO 

appointment  of  Smith  as  speals;er — tampering  with  Miss  Mc- 
Manus,  endeavoring  to  mal^e  her  dissatisfied  with  the  commit- 
tee. It  cost  us  a  good  deal  of  trouble  to  set  her  mind  at  ease. 
Therefore,  when  Kenyon  rushed  in,  in  this  wild  way,  and  with 
his  unscrupulous  utterances  threw  her  into  a  state  of  bewild- 
ered excitement,  it  is  hard  to  say  what  might  have  been  the 
consequences  had  there  been  no  friend  there  to  reassure  her. 
Fortunately  Capt.  Smith  was  present  and  restored  her  con- 
fidence in  the  committee.  Before  he  had  succeeded  in  doing  so 
completely  Jeremiah  Kavanagh,  who  had  witnessed  Kenyon's 
pranks  at  the  meeting,  came  in  and  speedily  and  utterly  routed 
the  Sage  of  Templederry  and  the  Muse  of  Loughorm,  who 
was  with  him  in  this  vile  attempt.    This  was  their  final  defeat. 

I  have  already  told  you  what  the  funeral  was  next  day;  but 
another  time  I  mean  to  give  you  full  details  of  this  and  every- 
thing noteworthy  since  we  parted.  In  this  promised  narrative 
you  will  clearly  see  what  the  people  are  as  well  as  the  "trusted 
leaders,"  and  from  it  you  can  easily  understand  why  the  failure 
of  '48  has  become  a  byword  of  scorn  in  the  world.  On  the  heads 
of  the  "trusted  leaders"  alone  should  all  this  scorn  fall.  Never, 
it  may  be  fairly  said,  did  such  little  natures  chance  to  lead  a 
people.  At  no  time  and  in  no  way  can  they  give  proof  of  any- 
thing but  littleness. 

No  sooner  were  the  best  honors  paid  to  the  dead  than  the 
base-born  plottings  which  had  preceded  the  burial  were  re- 
newed. The  drift  of  them  all  was  to  put  us  down!  Noble 
natures,  however  erring,  true  Nationalists,  however  differing 
in  opinion  or  modes  of  operation,  would  have  had  some  grati- 
tude to  the  men  who  had  made  manifest  to  all  our  race  that 
the  home-clinging  children  of  the  Sacred  Isle — those  by  whom 
our  liberty  must  be  mainly  if  not  altogether  achieved — were 
alive  to  their  duty,  powerful  and  healthily  linked  together  for 
action  big  with  glorious  promise.  In  the  proof  of  this  given  by 
us  at  the  funeral  these  infinitessimally  little  could  only  see  a 
reason  for  the  barest  hostility!  We  were  dangerous,  they  said, 
and  should  be  put  down!  More  easily  wished  and  said,  how- 
ever, than  done.  How  put  us  down?  Some  tried  balmy  con- 
ciliation, hoping  to  worm  themselves  into  our  confidences,  that 
they  might  betray,  or  that  we  should  at  least  tolerate  them 
till  they  were  strong  enough  to  strike.  We  knew,  however,  that 
these  gentle  conciliators  had  tongues  and  pens  perpetually  com- 
ing slander  like  a  mint.  Others  of  the  clique,  without  any 
share  of  honey  at  all,  secretly  voided  this  gall  on  us  with 
odious  liberality.  Foremost  among  these  was  Kenyon.  He  let 
slip  no  opportunity  of  slandering  us  in  a  way  that  accuses  him 
of  almost  unleavened  turpitude.  A  letter  of  his,  which  I  may 
copy  for  you  at  another  time,  goes  next  to  prove  him  irredeem- 
ably bad.  On  reading  this  most  woeful  production  I  at  once 
stigmatized  it  as  "a  brassy,  mendacious,  silly  and  malignant 
epistle!"  In  a  word,  it  would  take  many  sheets  to  give  you  a 
fair  idea  of  the  doings  of  the  clique  between  the  burial  and 
the  mass  meeting. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  173 

Don't  for  an  instant  forget  the  drift  of  all  their  efforts — 
chiefly  to  break  up  our  work!  No  means  were  too  base  for 
them;  but  nothing  they  could  devise  gave  promise  of  probable 
success.  An  organization  of  some  kind  seemed  to  them  essen- 
tial— of  the  driftlessly  peaceable  and  legal  kind,  I  should  have 
said;  none  other  would  suit.  They  had  all  the  organizing  ele- 
ments of  driftless  agitation— "trusted  leaders,"  "patriotic" 
journalists,  promising  M,  P.'s  et  hoc  genus  omne!  Indeed,  one 
element  of  the  clique — the  aspirationists — were  necessarily  op- 
posed to  everything  but  the  driftless;  another — the  "patriotic" 
journalists — clamored  for  it  as  the  sole  means  of  keeping  shop 
open;  and  might  not  a  third  be  borne  on  it  to  that  land  of 
promise,  to  "National"  respectable  Parliament,  with  its  vistas 
opening  to  ecstatic  spots  beyond! 

But  whatever  the  individual  reasons  of  the  clique  for  drift- 
ing on  this  driftless  agitation  one  hope  and  aim  they  had  in 
common — to  put  us  down!  To  this  end  an  organization  was 
essential.  Gods!  only  grant  them  that!  It  would  save  some 
of  them  from  ruin,  almost  all  of  them  from  shame!  How 
is  it  to  be  realized?  They  have  no  influence — no  opportunity 
and  rallying  cry  to  get  up  an  influence  for  the  home!  The 
active  Nationalists  of  Dublin  are  with  us,  yet  where  but  in 
Dublin  should  a  business  like  theirs  be  started!  Besides,  are 
we  not  evervwhere!  We  ring  them  round  about  and  the  ring 
is  fire!  They  hate  and  fear  us  in  their  agony!  Gods!  will  you 
only  grant  them  the  power  to  crush  us!  Ever  so  wee  an  organ- 
ization will  do  it;  for,  have  they  not  a  many  mouthed  press, 
and  should  they  fail  in  having  us  arrested  by  private  canvass- 
ings  of  our  doings — hints  thrown  out  in  a  sympathetic  way  to 
friendly  government  officials — could  they  not  have  public  re- 
course to  the  patriotic  (modern)  duty  of  Felon-setting?  This 
duty  would,  at  first,  take  the  shape  of  friendly  warnings  to 
such  over-ardent  or  misguided  individuals  as  had  become  or 
thought  of  becoming  members  of  secret  societies!  The  govern- 
ment, of  course,  would  be  supposedly  blind  to  those  warnings! 
Should  said  warnings  produce  no  effect  on  us — or  the  govern- 
ment— then  were  the  honorable  heads  of  the  contemplated  or- 
ganization to  come  forth  and  point  to  us — set  us — individually 
or  in  groups,  but  so  as  to  admit  of  no  possible  mistake,  as 
members  of  a  dangerous  "secret  society,"  condemned  by  law 
and  religion,  to  be  shunned  by  true  Irishmen  and  hunted  to 
death  or  exiled  by  British  authority! 

We  have  called  this  Felon-setting,  having  lacked  a  word 
to  express  an  infamy  so  abominable  that  you  may  well  ask 
yourself  if  even  the  "trusted"  could  have  sunk  to  that  base- 
ness; that  is,  astounded  and  disgusted,  you  might  have  ques- 
tioned my  words,  were  they  not  proved  beyond  doubt  or  cavil 
by  the  organs  of  the  clique!  But  I  anticipate.  As  yet  the 
infamy  had  not  taken  its  blackest  shape  and  was,  as  they  sup- 
posed, unsuspected  by  us.  We  were  to  be  thrown  off  our  guard 
till  they  could  strike  with  effect — as  a  publicly  organized  body. 
Tr.eir  inability  +0  organize  any  such  body  was  fast  becoming 


174  APPENDIX    TO 

a  cjironic  agony,  and  they  were  at  their  wits'  end  when  the 
news  came  of  the  arrest  of  Mason  and  Slidell. 

They  seized  on  the  news  with  the  grasp  of  despair,  meaning 
to  raalve  that  their  opportunity!  They  improvised  a  meeting 
composed  of  some  of  the  clique—not  the  best  or  most  influential 
— and  the  few  weak  or  rotten  creatures  whom  they  had  won 
or  hoped  to  win  over;  not  one  of  the  men  whose  efforts  had 
produced  the  IVlcManus  demonstration  was  invited;  the  really 
active  members  of  the  National  petition  and  St.  Patrick's 
Brotherhood  committees  were  also  ignored;  in  short,  the  meet- 
ing— about  a  score  in  all! — was  almost  exclusively  confined  to 
as  worthless  a  brood  as  the  "patriotism"  of  this  country  has 
ever  brought  to  the  surface!  Yet  the  fellows  at  this  hole-and- 
corner  meeting  had  the  brass  to  babble  of  a  great  national 
association,  embracing  all  classes  and  parties,  founded  and 
welded  to  I  know  not  what  results  by  them! 

I  have  already  mentioned  how  they  set  about  this  union  of 
all  classes  and  parties  by  the  studied  exclusion  of  those  who 
had  reawakened  the  spirit  and  shaped  into  an  active  power  the 
scattered  and  helpless  fragments  of  our  race.  Let  us  now 
rapidly  note  their  action  tar  as  it  has  gone.  On  the  29th  of 
November  those  members  of  the  clique  already  attended  to 
held  a  preliminary  meeting  at  the  European  Hotel.  They 
called  it  "a  large  and  most  respectable  meeting  of  National- 
ists!" You  know  what  it  really  was.  "A  resolution  was 
adopted,"  we  are  informed  by  the  Morning  News  of  the  30th 
of  November,  "to  the  effect  that  a  meeting  be  held  at  the  Round 
Room,  Rotunda,  on  as  early  a  day  as  that  plan  of  meeting  can 
be  had,  which,  it  was  ascertained,  would  be  on  next  Thursday." 
Verily,  on  as  early  a  day  as  possible!  They  had  reasons  for 
seizing  opportunity  by  the  forelock  and  stealing  a  march  on 
us!  To  this  end,  they  at  first  purposed  to  hold  the  sensation 
meeting  on  Monday;  but  on  inquiry  found  the  room  could  not 
be  had  till  Thursday.  We  are  further  informed  by  that  vera- 
cious and  "patriotic"  organ,  the  Morning  News,  that  "the  most 
perfect  harmony  and  unanimity  prevailed  among  the  gentle- 
men present"  at  this  preliminary  meeting,  and  that  they  "trust 
important  and  beneficial  results  will  accrue  from  the  move- 
ment!" 

The  truth  is  that  scandalous  bickerings  and  language  was 
the  order  of  the  day  at  this  most  important  gathering!  And 
v/hat  is  to  be  said  about  the  "results?"  A  legal  agitation  has 
always  been  debasing  and  delusive  in  this  country.  Bad,  there- 
fore, at  the  best,  I  leave  you  to  guess  the  "results"  of  one 
founded  and  directed  by  such  men  as  these!  Well,  the  "Trent 
affair"  gives  them  the  anxiously  longed-for  opportunity  and 
rallying-cry  at  last:  It  is  only  just  to  say  that  they  do  their 
best  to  turn  them  to  account.  But  their  best,  alas!  I  am  in  no 
m.ode  to  hit  off  their  trouble,  toil  and  bubble— yet,  of  soap;  only 
the  high  fantastic  tricks  they  played — not  in  authority,  how- 
ever brief,  but  merely  struggling  for  it!— must  have  given  the 
angels  excess  of  weeping!     In  sooth,  the  faith  of  the  poor  clique 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  175 

is  sad  and  very  sad.  Saddest  of  all  is  the  fact  that,  as  the 
day  of  the  sensation  meeting  draws  nigh,  it  introduces  them 
to  such  queer  sensations  that  many  a  man  of  them  would  give 
the  apple  of  his  eye  to  avoid  eating  the  fruit  they  are  likely 
to  gather  from  it!  How  has  it  come  to  this?  They  have  been 
given  to  understand  that  the  "silent  men" — "those  fellows  who 
can  do  anything" — have  been  reading  them  through  and 
through! — that  their  aims — proximate  and  ultimate — are  known 
in  all  their  bearings! — that  we  are  brooding  over — nay,  have 
.  actually  matured — a  plan  of  action,  and  that  said  plan  involves 
nothing  less  than  utter  exposure  and  defeat  to  the  clique!  it 
iG  horrible! 

What  do  we  really  mean?  What  can  we  do?  Long  as  it 
pleases  us  nobody  can  tell  them  what  we  do  mean;  but  all 
are  of  opinion  that  we  can  do  anything  we  like!  Most  hor- 
rible! Overtures  are  now  made  to  us!  Six  of  our  friends  will 
be  allowed  to  take  counsel  with  them,  and  may  suggest  changes 
in  or  then  modify  their  programme!  The  rascals!  how  easy  to 
bet  our  chosen  men  afterwards!  Without  an  order  from  me 
not  one  of  my  friends  would  now  sit  in  council  with  them. 

This  was  told  chem  diplomatically,  though  our  loathing  of  such 
carrion  made  our  gorge  rise  at  it.  What,  they  then  whined, 
did  we  mean  to  do? — would  we  violently  obstruct  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  meeting  and  so  give  room  to  the  common  enemy  to 
gloat  over  our  dissensions?  They  were  given  clearly  to  know 
that  our  intent  was  in  no  way  wicked  or  damnable:  it  was  far 
from  our  minds  to  offer  any  obstruction  to  the  meeting;  we 
would  give  a  fair  hearing  to  any  speaker  who  did  not  show 
himself  a  rascal  or  a  blackguard;  and  finally,  we  meant  to 
confine  our  action  to  suitable  amendments  to  obnoxious  reso- 
lutions, or  perhaps,  a  resolution  of  our  own.  They  felt  our 
v/ords  were  bitter-sweet;  but  it  was  well  to  know  that  no 
bones  would  be  broken;  again  might  not  our  amendment  or  reso- 
lution be  big  with  discomfiture!  "Sweet  heavens!"  shall  their 
tribulations  never  end!  Pain  would  they  know  the  exact  form 
our  amendment  or  resolution  would  take. 

On  this  head  we  are  vague,  but  renew  the  assurance  that 
our  action  shall  be  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  usual  rules 
of  public  assemblies.  Vain  assurance!  Again  they  are  turning 
in  a  ring  of  fire!  Few  would  really  pity  them,  deeming  their 
agony  the  just  punishment  of  their  wilful  guilt.  To  make  them 
the  more  loathsome — to  us,  especially,  who  understand  this 
drift — they  keep  up  between  the  preliminary  and  "mass  meet- 
ing" a  constant  whine  about  "forgetfulness  of  past  differences," 
"mutual  toleration,"  "union  of  all  parties!"  etc.  Their  yell,  or 
roar,  is,  if  possible,  still  more  odious  than  their  whine.  Only 
a  week  ago  they  were  whining  in  voice  more  soft  than  any 
sucking  dove  for  "independent  members" — "to  make  known  our 
grievances!"  etc.  Hark!  they  are  now  yelling — roaring  lion- 
like as  stout  bully  Bottom — and  the  burthen  is:  "Imminent 
war  with  America!"  "The  Crisis! ! !"  Now,  this  yell  and  whine 
is  a  loathsome  monster  and  elder  brother  to  Blurt  and  Funk. 


176  APPENDIX    TO 

The  family  of  these  amorphous  giants,  however,  is  very  ancient 
and  widespread,  especially  m  this  country,  and  at  one  time 
possessed  great  influence  here,  only  the  shadow  of  whicn 
influence  now,  happily,  remains.  Ail  the  family  were  ogres 
and  feed  on  the  people — eating  their  flesh,  drinking  their  blood 
and  sucking  their  marrow.  It  would  be  useful  to  trace  the 
action  of  the  whole  race,  and  I  myself  should  dearly  love  to 
portray  the  brothers  Yell  and  Whine  and  Blurt  and  Funk,  to- 
gether with  their  numerous  offspring. 

For  the  present,  however,  I  can  only  sketch  one  darling  child, 
claimed  alike  by  both  the  brothers.  The  name  of  this  child  is 
'Crisis."  He  has  been  the  chronic  bone  of  Ireland— a  more 
fatal  bone  than  Discord,  Feud,  Famine,  or  any  other  begotten 
by  the  enemy  to  perpetuate  this  rule  and  is  only  equaled  by 
the  monster  Home-treason,  and  his  younger  brother,  Fellon- 
setter.  A  bone,  I  say— a  disease— a  devil's  scourge  has  this 
Crisis  proved  to  us.  Yet  is  he  accounted  "patriotic!"  Who 
does  not  know  his  favorite  rallying  cry:  "England's  difficulty 
is  Ireland's  opportunity!"  Blind,  base  and  deplorable  motto 
and  motive  to  action.  Owing  to  it,  the  work  that  should  never 
have  stood  still  has  been  taken  up  in  feverish  fits  and  starts 
and  always  out  of  season,  to  fall  into  collapse,  when  each 
fresh  "opportunity"  has  slipped  by  in  the  wake  of  all  the  pre- 
ceding ones.  Ireland's  trained  and  marshaled  manhood  alone 
can  ever  make — could  ever  have  made — Ireland's  opportunity. 

This  opportunity  the  manhood  of  our  Ireland  alone,  without 
the  aid  of  any  foreign  power — without  even  the  aid  of  our  exile 
brother — could  have  been  made  any  time  these  thirty  years; 
and,  whether  England  was  at  peace  or  war,  with  this  manhood 
alone  we  could  have  won  our  own.  But  our  countrymen,  alas! 
giving  ear  to  Crisis,  with  his  imbecile  or  cheating  or  craven 
cry  of  "English  difficulty,"  stood,  mouth  agape,  and  over  and 
over  again,  waiting— "biding  their  time"— till  "opportunity" 
came  and  left  them  as  before.  Twice,  not  to  say  thrice,  this 
has  been  the  case  even  in  our  own  day;  so  that  I  have  come 
to  feel  as  if  I  could  curse  every  barren  lunatic,  dastard  or 
knavish  clod  who  raises  these  dog-souled  cries. 

Now,  on  the  first  report  of  the  "Trent  affair"  the  monster, 
Crisis,  who  is  sleeping  in  collapse,  is  stirred  up  by  Clique,  got 
on  his  legs  and  made  to  stalk  through  the  land,  making  day 
and  night  hideous.  Let  us.  see  what,  in  fear  and  trembling, 
they  try  to  make  of  the  stalking  monster.  Their  "resolutions" 
give  fair  enough  glimpses  of  what  they  are  about.  These  reso- 
lutions, four  in  number,  are  to  be  served  up,  "cut  and  dry,"  at 
the  "Mass  Meeting."  To  the  three  first— expressive  of  sym- 
pathy with  and  gratitude  to  America,  and  a  whine  about  har- 
mony at  home — we  will  offer  no  opposition,  though  fully  aware 
of  what  they  mean  by  "harmony;"  but,  with  our  knowledge  of 
the  men — their  antecedents  and  present  motives  and  aims — it 
is  clearly  our  duty  to  take  action  on  the  fourth  resolution, 
worded  thus: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Chairman,  Secretary,  proposers  and  sec- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  177 

onders  of  resolutions,  be  constituted  a  committee  to  invite  a 
conference  of  the  leading  Nationalists  of  Ireland,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  drawing  up  and  recommending  a  national  organization, 
to  be  subsequently  submitted  for  approval  to  a  public  meeting." 

So,  you  see,  the  Clique  are  to  have  it  all  their  own  way;  the 
"Chairman,  Secretary  (as  they  fancy),  proposers  and  seconders 
of  resolutions,"  are  theirs,  and  these,  the  self-constituted  pre- 
liminary (No.  2)  committee,  are  to  Invite  "leading  National- 
ists," theirs  also — else  they  won't  be  invited — to  found,  etc.,  the 
grand  national  organization!  A  beautiful  plan,  the  birth  or 
brass  and  blindness!  Pity  it  should  have  been  marred  by  a 
nasty  plan,  the  child  of  strength  and  foresight.  Here  is  our 
amendment  to  the  fourth  resolution;  or,  should  they  withdraw 
it,  the  substantive  resolution  we  were  prepared  to  carry: 

"Resolved,  That  a  Chairman,  2  Secretaries  and  a  Committee 
of  21  members — each  having  been  duly  and  separately  pro- 
posed and  seconded — be  chosen  by  a  majority  of  voices  at  this 
'Mass  Meeting,'  to  take  into  consideration  the  advisability  of 
an  organization  in  the  present  state  of  affairs  at  home  and 
abroad." 

What  fair  objection  could  the  Clique-Faction  make  to  this? 
;None  that  the  merest  political  dabbler  cannot  easily  see 
through.  At  a  public  meeting  convened  by  themselves,  we 
openly  appeal  to  the  broad  principle  of  universal  suffrage;  so 
that  if,  as  has  been  frequently  and  brassily  asserted,  they 
have,  and  we  have  not,  public  confidence,  their  triumph  and 
our  defeat  is  certain.  What  better  opportunity  for  proving 
the  truth  of  their  words?  And  who  that  knows  the  men  and 
their  agonizing  position  can  think  that,  did  it  offer  the  least 
hope  of  success,  they  would  have  let  it  slip?  They,  forsooth, 
gave  way  in  order  to  prevent  a  row!  Decorous  and  conscien- 
tious Felon-setters!  But  lying  is  easy  to  natures  combined  in 
a  compact  of  baseness.  They  know  there  would  be  no  dis- 
turbance, that  even  the  branded  National-approvers  would  be 
patiently  listened  to;  but  they,  also,  knew  that,  at  the  coming 
meeting,  our  relative  strength  would  be  more  than  ten  to  one! 
This  is  the  secret  of  their  forbearance!  The  Chairman,  Sec- 
retaries and  Committee  appointed  by  us  will  show  you  that  our 
whole  course  was  marked  by  great  moderation  and  forbearance 
as  well  as  by  practical  good  sense.  We  accepted  the  Chairnian 
of  their  own  choice.  Remembering  that  The  O'Donohoe's  con- 
duct, with  regard  to  the  National  Petition,  had  been  more  than 
equivocal,  and  that  he  had  been  in  very  bad  company  the  week 
before  the  Funeral,  the  wisdom  of  this  acceptance  may  be 
questioned;  but  his  letter  about  the  McManus  Committee 
seemed  fair  atonement  for  what  appeared  only  a  chance  con- 
nection with  the  Clique,  and  he  promised  to  explain  his  action 
in  the  National  Petition  movement;  besides,  a  certain  number 
of  influential  friends  were  desirous  of  giving  him  what  they 
called  "a  fair  trial." 

We,  also,  accepted  the  Secretary  chosen  by  the  Clique,  not 
one  of  whom  could  object  to  the  Secretary  added   by  us.     Ou 


178  APPENDIX    TO 

our  Committee  we  admitted  seven  of  the  Clique.  The  remain- 
ing fourteen  were  ours;  but  let  us  glance  at  this  public  title 
to  the  distinction  conferred  on  them.  Every  man  of  them  were 
members  of  the  McManus  Committee,  to  say  nothing  of  their 
labors  on  the  Committee  of  the  National  Petition  and  St. 
Patrick's  Brotherhood;  so  that,  independent  of  their  efforts 
and  position  in  our  movement,  they  were  the  chosen  men  of 
every  public  one  for  years.  The  Funeral  alone  proved  what 
they  were  capable  of  and  the  "Mass  Meeting"  has  given  them 
an  additional  claim  on  the  gratitude  and  confidence  of  the 
country  at  large. 

When  writing  in  full,  I  shall  go  into  all  the  merits  of  the 
course  pursued  by  us,  merely  saying,  for  the  present,  that,  in 
m.y  opinion,  time  has  shown  it  the  wisest  we  could  have  hit  on. 
Though  our  plan  had  been  matured  for  some  days,  my  friends, 
for  obvious  reasons,  did  not  receive  final  instructions  till  the 
night  before  the  meeting.  Some  were  rather  anxious  about  the 
result.  This  was  natural  enough;  for,  spite  of  the  victory  the 
night  before  the  Funeral,  and  the  magnificent  triumph  next 
day,  as  yet  they  had  not  become  fully  confident  in  their  own 
strength  and  ability.  The  "Mass  Meeting,"  among  other  con- 
sequences, has  taught  them  all  unshakable  self-reliance! 

I  can  now  say  but  a  few  words  about  the  meeting  itself.  I 
suppose  you  have  seen  the  Round  Room,  Rotunda.  It  can 
accommodate  5,000  men  on  foot.  The  night  in  question,  this 
vast  room  was  so  full  that  several  fainted  during  the  proceed- 
ings! The  O'Donohoe,  on  taking  the  chair,  was  long  and 
loudly  cheered;  his  speech,  too,  was  often  and  warmly  ap- 
plauded; in  short,  any  amount  of  popular  craving  sought  to 
have  him  satisfied  by  the  reception  he  met  with.  The  business 
of  the  meeting  then  went  on  in  a  very  enthusiastic  way,  the 
speakers  being  cheered  in  direct  proportion  to  the  treason  in- 
volved in  their  words!  Even  T.  D.  Goula  was  applauded  when 
he  apostrophised  the  spirit  of  Robert  Emmet!  It  was  sad  to 
hear  the  sacred  name  in  such  a  mouth,  and  many  a  hand  was 
clenched  as  the  wretch  dared  to  utter  it;  but  they  promised 
solf-control  and  they  steadily  kept  their  promise  to  the  ent!. 
Soon  they  were  amply  recompensed.  The  time  for  action  had 
come  and  Jeremiah  Kavanagh  rose  to  put  our  "resolution."  I 
am  too  unwell  to  give  you  other  than  a  poor  notion  of  the 
scene  that  followed,  and  so  will  not  try  to  describe  it. 

Compared  to  Kavanagh's  reception  that  given  The  O'Donohoe 
was  pitifully  tame.  Seldom  has  any  man  quickened  such  in- 
tense enthusiasm.  Before  uttering  a  word,  what  we  knew 
already  was  clear  to  the  most  incredulous  of  the  Clique — that 
the  meeting  was  ours.  I  leave  you  to  guess  their  feelings!  The 
plight  of  the  Gk)ulas,  in  particular,  beggars  description;  in  their 
minds,  at  least,  our  friends  had  realized  their  instructions  to 
the  letter — "to  make  the  'Ayes'  for  Kavanagh's  motion  ring 
in  the^Rotunda  like  the  crack  o'  doom!" 

Unless  promptly  backed  by  our  transatlantic  brothers  and 
even  now,  supplied  with  the  funds  which,  owing  to  bitter  dis- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  179 

tress,  cannot  be  had  at  home,  agitation  is  at  an  end  forever! 
Is  our  faith  in  you,  over  there,  built  on  shifting  sands!  Are 
5"Ou  awake  to  the  duty  and  the  position  in  which  the  McManus 
Demonstration  has  placed  you  and  us? 

The  "Mass  Meeting"  would  never  have  been  heard  of  but 
for  the  Funeral!  At  this  meting  v/e  again  meet  and  crush  the 
enemy!  Felon-setting  remains  to  them;  and,  though  not  so 
mischievous  as  they  might  have  made  it,  had  they  only  known 
how,  still  it  may  do  us  cruel  injury.  But  even  this  work — this 
infamy  meeting,  the  curse  of  all  our  race  and  yet  so  easily 
consummated — they  cannot  help  but  botch!  They  overshoot 
the  mark!  Apparently,  the  government  has  only  to  let  us 
alone,  and,  like  the  notorious  cats,  we  shall  eat  each  other  up 
to  the  very  tails!  This  is  how  we  interpret  the  forbearance 
cf  the  government  hitherto.  If  correct,  the  Felon-setters  have 
probably  done  us  involuntary  service — prevented  what  the 
McManus  Demonstration  had  made  not  unlikely.  However 
this  may  be,  we  look  on  the  conduct  of  our  American  brothers 
as  very  culpable.  After  the  Funeral,  at  least,  their  aid  should 
have  been  speedy  and  unstinted.  Having,  to  give  you  faith, 
having  consented  to  publicly  show  our  strength,  we  should  have 
had  support  to  neutralize  the  risk  we  ran.  With  liberal  means 
we  should  have  done  such  work  as  to  defy  the  Felon-setter 
and  his  masters.    May  we  look  for  this  aid  from  you  even  now? 

J.  S.   (James  Stephens.) 


VII 

The  following  letter  was  v/ritten  by  Charles  J.  Kickham 
from  the  office  of  "The  Irish  People"  to  John  O'Mahony  in 
New  York,  is  an  urgent  appeal  for  funds  with  which  to  carry 
on  that  publication.  The  "Power"  referrpd  to  is  James 
Stephens.  Here  for  the  first  time  are  given  Stephens'  reasons 
for  publishing  a  newspaper. 


Irish  People  Office, 
12  Parliament  St.,  Dublin,  Jan.  1,  1864. 
J.  O'Mahony: 

My  Dear  Friend;  I  wrote  you  a  hurried  note  five  weeks  ago. 
I  hoped  to  receive  a  line  from  you  before  this,  and  begin  to 
feel  a  little  disappointed  at  not  hearing  from  you.  However, 
I  was  glad  to  see  that  you  had  done  something  before  you  re- 
ceived my  letter.  It  is  more  than  probable  if  it  were  not  for 
the  timely  aid  we  should  have  gone  down  before  now.  I  am 
after  having  a  long  conversation  with  W.  Power.  It  is  his 
unalterable  opinion  that  all  is  lost  if  the  paper  goes  down. 
Nearly  all  the  best  men  agree  with  him.  They  say  the  paper  is 
d  necessity  as  a  sourc^  of  revenue — which  it  is  sure  to  supply 
if  once  properly  established.  It  has  been  put  as  a  test  to  the 
country  and  P.  can  have  no  confidence  in  the  country  if  it 
cannot  or  will  not  support  this  project.  Our  men  are  doing 
their  dutv  in  the  districts  where  the  true  state  of  the  case  has 


i8o 


APPENDIX    TO 


been  laid  before  them.  But  this  has  only  been  done  in  a  few 
places,  and  it  cannot  be  done  till  P.  is  enabled  to  take  a  tour 
through  the  country.  After  this  tour  he  would  be  sure  of  a 
circulation  of  15,000  on  this  side  of  the  water.  He  calculates 
that  you  would  be  able  to  secure  one  third  of  this,  that  is 
5,000  in  America.  This  once  done  a  splendid  success  would  be 
certain,  and  our  cause  would  assume  a  position  at  home  and 
abroad  which  would  secure  for  it  the  respect  of  all  friends  of 
liberty  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe.  Think  seriously  of  this; 
and  then  think  of  the  other  side  of  the  question.  There  is 
no  use  in  shutting  our  eyes  to  the  past;  ruin  is  inevitable  if  the 
"Irish  People"  be  a  failure.     The  reason  of  this  is  because  the 


CHARLES    J.     KICKHAM. 


best  man  in  the  country  is  determined  to  give  up  the  cause 
as  a  delusion  if  this  project  cannot  be  successfully  worked. 
In  fact,  our  ship  is  at  this  moment  among  the  breakers,  and  if 
you  cannot  come  lo  our  assistance  we  are  lost.  If  you  cannot 
raise  £300  within  one  week  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter  all 
ia  over. 

Write  at  once  to  all  your  friends.  Let  them  beg  or  borrow 
the  money.  Keep  back  the  monthly  remittance  to  pay  it  and 
if  necessary  let  the  proceeds  of  the  Chicago  Fair  go  for  the 
same  pur]_x)se.     Several  of  our  leading  men   were  for  sending 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  i8i 

Some  one  out  to  you  but  P.  would  not  have  it  lest  you  should 
feel  annoyed  by  the  step.  They  replied  that  if  some  immediate 
steps  were  not  taken  to  let  you  know  the  state  of  our  affairs 
that  a  collapse  at  once  would  be  inevitable.  P.  then  said  that 
he  thought  a  letter  from  me  would  have  as  good  an  effect, 
or  perhaps  better,  than  sending  out  a  messenger — to  say  noth- 
ing of  expense  of  the  latter  course.  This  satisfied  our  friends 
and  now  I  have  written  to  you.  For  God's  sake  do  what  is 
required.  I  am  sure  at  all  events  the  Chicago  men  will  do 
their  part.  Remember  me  there.  You  will  have  seen  by  the 
papers  that  I  got  the  letter  which  you  sent. 

On  looking  over  this  hurried  scrawl  I  find  I  omitted  to  say 
that  it  is  expected  that  1,000  of  the  5,000  papers  which  ought 
to  be  sold  in  America  must  be  taken  by  subscribers  cash  in 
advance.  These  thousand  subscribers  you  must  try  and  send 
within  a  month  after  the  receipt  of  this. 

I  should  like  to  write  at  length  to  you  about  many  things, 
but  my  mind  is  too  disturbed  for  this.  In  fact,  I  feel  anxious 
when  I  think  how  much  depends  upon  your  response  to  the 
appeal  I  have  made  to  you.  I  have  implicit  trust  in  you.  I 
expect  a  reply  from  you  that  will  heal  old  wounds  and  save  the 
good  old  cause  from  the  peril  which  threatens  its  very  life. 
Believe  me  as  ever. 

Yours  sincerely  and  fraternally, 

CHARLES  J.  KICKHAM. 


VIII 

This  letter,  from  James  Stephens  to  John  O'Mahony,  was 
taken  to  the  U,  S.  by  Michael  Joseph  Egan  of  Tuam,  a 
member  of  the  F.  B.,  who  was  forced  to  leave  Ireland.  Steph- 
ens recommends  him  strongly  to  O'Mahony: 


Dublin,  March  13,  1868. 

John  O'Mahony,  Brother:  Though  more  than  usually  desirous 
of  writing  a  long  letter  to  you,  I  find  I  can  send  you  but  a 
few  lines.  I  am  far  from  well,  owing  to  various  causes,  but 
chiefly  to  confinement,  and  am,  moreover,  pressed  for  time. 
The  accompanying  copy  of  a  letter  just  written  to  Father 
O'Flaherty  contains  some  matter  you  must  be  anxious  to  know. 
A  great  deal  of  the  letter  you  have,  in  one  shape  or  other,  al- 
ready read;  but  you  will  find  something  new  in  it  nevertheless. 
I  am  sorry  I  did  not  find  myself  in  a  better  mood  for  writing, 
as  I  should  very  much  like  to  please  Father  O'Flaherty.  An- 
other time,  I  hope  to  do  my  work  better.  I  also  send  a  copy 
of  it  to  Mr.  Gibbons  of  Philadelphia. 

I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  two  money  orders, 
each  for  £10,  and  to  the  credit  of  Langan  and  O'Shaughnessy. 
I  have  also  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  several  numbers  of  the 


i82  APPENDIX    TO 

Boston  Pilot  to  my  friends.  Tlie  meeting  in  Philadelphia  was 
a  good  idea  and  I  am  well  pleased  with  the  speeches:  Capt. 
Smith's  is  to  the  point,  Jeremiah  Kavanagh's  telling  as  usual, 
and  Doheny'^-  made  to  cover  a  load  of  sins.  Pity  there  should 
be  any  fault  to  find  with  a  man  who  can  speak  so.  Your  own 
speech  contains  some  thorough  hard-hitting  points,  and  has 
given  much  satisfaction  to  myself  and  friends.  We  have  just 
got  out  the  report  in  pamphlet  form  and  mean  to  circulate  it 
widely.  It  will  be  the  starting  point  for  a  punishment  which 
I  mean  to  make  an  example  to  all  time;  for  I  have  the  will,  and 
cannot  believe  I  lack  the  ability,  to  make  the  infamy  of  the 
Felon-setters  an  immortal  abomination  to  all  honest  Irishmen. 

When  I  spoke  of  going  to  America  about  the  month  of  April, 
I  calculated  on  getting  funds  to  accomplish  a  certain  amount 
of  work  before  I  started.  Owing  to  the  great  distress  at  home, 
I  have  not  been  able  to  raise  the  necessary  funds,  and  I  have 
received  nothing  worth  speaking  of  from  your  side.  Mr.  Gib- 
bon's sent  a  check  for  £40,  but  I  had  to  refund  £30  of  it 
(money  advanced  for  the  work)  in  Cork,  when  the  check 
was  made  payable.  As  I  must  give  up  my  project  of  travel  till 
my  work  is  done  here^  you  need  not  be  expecting  me  for  at 
least  three  months;  nor  even  then,  unless  I  can  raise  or  receive 
money.  The  want  of  money  has  been  a  far  greater  injury  than 
all  our  enemies  could  have  done  us,  and  the  longer  the  want 
continues  the  greater  the  injury  will  be.  It  is,  under  the 
present  circumstances  especially,  hard  for  us  to  understand 
our  transatlantic  brothers,  and  every  m.an  among  us  deems 
himself  injured. 

Bearer,  Mr.  Michael  Joseph  Egan,  of  Tuam,  is  a  brother, 
and  has  done  some  work  in  his  native  place.  Family  circum- 
stances force  him  to  go  to  the  States.  He  is  a  draper  by  pro- 
fession and  would  gladly  find  employment  at  his  business,  fail- 
ing in  which  he  must  enter  the  army.  He  served  in  the  Pope's 
Brigade.  I  have  to  recommend  him  in  the  strongest  manner; 
and  though  he  did  but  a  small  amount  of  work,  I  may  safely 
say  the  fault  was  not  his;  in  this,  as  so  many  other  in- 
stances, want  of  communication  prevented  progress.  Had  he 
been  able  to  remain,  he  would  have  been  a  good  workman; 
as  it  is,  what  he  has  accomplished  is  safe  in  the  hands  of  one 
cf  his  friends.     Yours  faithfully,  J.  S. 


DENIEFFE'S   RECOLLECTIONS.  183 

IX 

The  two  following  letters  were  written  by  James  Stephens 
when  traveling  in  the  United  States  in  1864.  One  is  dated  from 
Chicago  and  the  other  from  Louisville,  Ky.  In  these  letters 
he  tells  the  measure  of  success  received  by  him  in  various 
cities  from  the  Circles  visited.  He  signed  his  letters  J.  D.  and 
J.  Daly.  In  writing  from  Louisville  he  deprecates  the  idea 
of  "Red  Jim"  McDermot  being  permitted  to  go  out  on  a  lec- 
turing tour  from  New  York  as  a  representative  of  the  Fenian 
Brotherhood. 


Chicago,  June  1,  1864. 

John  O'Mahony,  Brother  and  Friend:  My  visit  to  Memphis 
was  a  successful  one.  I  did  not  find  so  strong  a  Circle  there 
as  I  have  been  led  to  expect,  but  the  men  are  good  and 
acted  spiritedly.  Mr.  McCarthy  was  with  me;  and,  on  our  re- 
turn to  Cairo,  he  saw  and  addressed  that  Circle  again  with 
good  effect. 

I  got  here  last  night.  Fortunately  the  23rd  are  here  and  I 
meet  them  to-night  at  Fenian  Hall.  To-morrow  I  leave  for 
Milwaukee  to  meet  that  Circle  in  the  evening.  On  leaving 
Milwaukee,  my  course  will  be  as  follows:  Detroit,  Friday  even- 
ing; Toledo,  Saturday  evening;  Sandusky,  Sunday  evening; 
Tiffin,  Monday  evening;  Cleveland,  Tuesday  evening;  Buffalo, 
Wednesday  evening.  As  I  believe  we  have  no  great  strength 
at  Suspension  Bridge,  I  don't  think  I  shall  go  there.  If  not,  I 
shall  probably  go  straight  from  Buffalo  to  New  York;  in  which 
case,  you  maybe  expecting  me  to-morrow  night  week.  Don't, 
however,  engage  me  to  any  meeting  till  I  see  you,  as  it  would 
require  very  good  fortune  to  go  over  the  ground  laid  down  in 
the  time  stated.  Soon  as  I  get  up,  you  can  make  any  arrange- 
ments you  deem  fit. 

1  am  glad  to  find  you  agree  with  me  anent  that  Nashville 
gentleman.  Also,  that  you  have  had  a  letter  from  Nasliville 
and  sent  a  reply.  Be  sure  to  keep  the  folk  there  up  to  monthly 
communication. 

You  mention  having  written  a  long  letter  to  Smith;  and  you 
add  that,  even  if  he  publish  it,  no  injury  can  be  done.  I  sin- 
cerely hope  so,  for  the  man  is  not  reliable. 

You,  also,  mention  having  had  a  visit  from  a  Kilkenny  friend 
and  a  Callan  friend,  and  how  you  don't  like  what  they  say 
about  the  spirit  in  their  districts — how  you  fear  a  cry  is  being 
raised  of  their  being  abandoned  by  their  chiefs  in  the  hour  of 
danger.  For  many  reasons  you  should  not  have  written  this, 
though  one  reason  alone  will  suffice  to  prove  it;  it  cannot  pos- 
sibly be.  So  that  your  fears  on  the  subject,  if  expressed  even 
to  me  only,  would  hardly  be  worthy  of  a  thinking  man.  You 
must  have  written  in  a  hurry,  or  you  would  have  recollected 
that  there  is  but  one  chief  absent.  My  absence  is  by  no  means 
calculated  to  raise  the  cry  in  question.     It  is  well  known  why 


184  -  APPENDIX    TO 

I  am  away.     It  is,  moreover,  known  to  all  who  have  a  right  to 
know  it,  that  my  absence  had  become  a  necessity — that  I  should 

either  come  out  here  and  do  what,  at  the  risk  of  my  lire,  I 

have  been  doing,  or  let  the  work  of  my  life  become  a  total 
wreck.     I  repeat:    there  was  no  alternative  between  my  visit 
to  America  and  utter  ruin.     And  again,  those  who  should  know 
this,  are  aware  of  it.     I  fear  nothing  from  the  cry  in  question. 
Nor  can  the  Clique — lay  or  clerical — make  much  of  such  a  cry. 
Have  faith  in  the  People,  friend,  at  home  especially,  they  are 
not   the   base   or  stupid   things   this   fear   would   make   them. 
Provided  I  realize  the  objects  I  came  out  for,  all  will  be  well; 
and,  hitherto,  I  have  fully  realized  them.     With  regard  to  the 
emigration,  it  is  appaling.     Nor  can  it  be  stopped  in  any  way 
but  one.     To  prepare  to  take  that  one  and  only  way  soon  as 
possible  should  be  our  constant  labor.     It  has   ever  been  my 
constant  labor.     If  not  the  first  man  to  see,  I  was  certainly  the 
first  to  teach   Irishmen  that,   if  we  did   not  make  ready  and 
fight  for  our  cause   and   race   a  few  years   would   realize  the 
ruin  of  both.     The  wretched  men  who  opposed  us  so  bitterly 
from  the  outset,  are  now  beginning  to  dread  what  I  dreaded 
years  ago  and  have  devoted  my  life  to  prevent.     They  make 
overtures  to  us  now,  when  they  can  do  us  no  harm.     Be  on 
your  guard.     To  conciliate  and  gain  the  active  co-operation  of 
every  good  Irishman,  should  be  our  constant  aim  and  labor. 
And,    spite    of   what    the    thoughtless    or    dishonest    may    say, 
it  has  never  ceased  to  be  our  aim  and  labor  at  home.    But  what 
about  conciliating  those  who  were  only  too  eager  for  an  op- 
portunity to  strike  us  behind?     What  about  the  co-operation 
of  folk  who  would  willingly  undo  our  work?     This  Mr.  Finnerty 
about  whom  you  write,  may  be  what  you  say.     Anyhow,  he  is 
deserving  of  no   confidence  from  us.     He  joined;    but,   so  far 
from  working,   he.   like   the  friends  around   his   native   place 
(the   perjured.   Gill,   etc.)    has   prevented  work.     Put  no   confi- 
dence whatever  in  him;  or,  if  any,  let  it  be  simply  as  a  mem- 
ber.    Be  sure  to  give  him  no  prominence. 

Yours  ever  faithfully  and  fraternally, 

J.  D. 

Let  P.  O'Keeffe  be  ready  to  sail  on  my  arrival  in  New  York. 


X 

Louisville,  Ky.,  Monday  Evening  (1864). 
John  O'Mahony,  Brother  and  Friend:  It  is  not  by  any  means 
an  easy  thing  to  move  through  these  diggin's,  just  now. 
Around  with  a  "special"  and  strong  recommendations  from 
Governor  Morton,  of  Indiana,  and  with  sundry  letters  of  in- 
troduction to  Majors,  Generals  and  other  officers  in  the  Army 
of  the  Cumberland,  I  went  to  the  Nashville  station  this  morn- 
ing. Contrary  to  the  assurances  of  m.y  friends,  however,  a 
special  pass  from  the  authorities  here  was  needed.  So  I  lost 
the   morning's   train.     There   could   be   no   difficulty   whatever, 


DENIEFFE'S   RECOLLECTIONS.  185 

though,  it  was  thought,  in  procuring  this  pass.  Another  error. 
It  was  with  much  difficulty  that  we  succeeded  in  gaining  ad- 
mission to  the  officer  to  look  for  what  I  wanted,  and  it  took 
a,  deal  of  persuasion  to  gain  it.  This  rigor  pleases  me  much — 
it  looks  like  practical  work  and  gives  me  a  strong  hope  for 
speedier  succor  than  we  could  have  looked  for  even  a  short 
time  since.  The  fighting  is  terrific.  How  our  poor  fellows 
must  be  falling!  Is  there  any  news  from  the  Potomac — any- 
thing from  those  in  whom  we  are  so  deeply  interested!  I 
don't  like  to  dwell  on  the  subject. 

The  Cincinnati  Circle  is  being  filled  up  so  rapidly  that,  if 
nothing  very  untoward  happen,  it  will  soon  be  one  of  your 
very  strong  points.  On  Wednesday  evening  last  83  of  the 
members  met  me  and  subscribed  995  dollars.  I  got  to  Madison 
on  Thursday  evening,  in  time  to  meet  the  Circle  there.  It  is 
a  very  small  one,  only  26,  of  whom  I  met  15.  They  subscribed 
97  dollars.  Col.  Mullen,  however^  is  of  opinion  the  Circle  will 
furnish  500  dollars  before  I  leave.  He  subscribed  25  dollars 
himself,  and,  from  all  I  know,  it  is  a  very  fair  sum.  The  Cin- 
cinnati men  will,  I  think,  make  up  from  two  to  three  thousand 
dollars.  Reached  this  place  on  Saturday  morning,  at  1  A.  M. 
This  Circle  will,  also,  be  a  strong  one,  and  soon — they  count  on 
1,000  members  before  the  "Fall."  They  have  a  fine  body  of 
men  as  it  is,  some  of  them  wealthy  and  many  well-to-do  and 
intelligent.  Fifty  of  these  met  me  on  Saturday  evening  and 
subscribed  480  dollars.  This,  however,  is  one  of  the  places  in 
w^hich  the  total  subscription  is  certain  to  exceed  far  the  initial 
one.  By  the  way,  the  officers  here  are  excellent.  There  are 
two  things  needed,  though,  to  make  the  work  all  it  can  and 
should  be.  First,  the  State  Centre  should  appoint  a  subordi- 
nate Centre  for  this  city;  at  present,  he  is  both  local  and  State 
Centre.  And,  secondly,  there  should  be  weekly  meetings;  up  to 
this,  they  have  met  but  fortnightly.  The  place  is  too  im- 
portant not  to  be  looked  to  and  an  occasional  letter  from  you 
would  effect  much  good. 

Should  I  find  room,  I  leave  for  Nashville  to-morrow  morning. 
I  understand  the  Nashville  Circle  is  a  splendid  one,  and  the 
friends  here  expect  great  things  from  it. 

I  have  heard,  to-day,  that  Mr.  James  McDermott  has  aji- 
nounced  his  intention  to  go  on  a  lecturing  tour.  This  move 
is  so  highly  injudicious,  so  calculated  to  do  injury,  now  espe- 
cially, that  I  cannot  believe  it  has  your  sanction.  Whatever, 
Mr.  McD.'s  zeal  and  activity — he  has  not  the  weight  and  steadi- 
ness— the  ability  and  other  essential  qualifications  to  repre- 
sent us  creditablj^  Not  having  these,  he  injured  us  in  his 
former  efforts  in  this  way,  and  would  injure  us  seriously  now. 
As  to  going  "on  his  own  hook,"  it  would  be  still  worse — it 
would  be  making  a  trade  of  his  connection  with  us,  as,  with- 
out us,  he  could  not  have  even  entertained  the  notion  at  all. 
It  would  be  disreputable  for  an  able  and  accomplished  man  to 
go  trading  about  in  this  w^ay.  How  much  more  so  for  one  who 
could  give  no   value  whatever — in  thought  or  words — for  the 


i86  APPENDIX    TO 

money  received.  You  are  certainly  bound  to  look  to  this  and 
give  Mr.  McD.  to  understand  that  you  are  quite  opposed  to 
it.  Should  he  not  be  got  to  apply  himself  steadily  to  some 
calling  for  which  he  is  fitted?  It  is  deplorable  to  see  men- led 
astray  in  this  way. 

Is  there  any  news  from  Ireland  I  am  anxious  to  hear  any 
you  may  have  received.  But  where  are  you  to  address  me? 
if  I  get  to  Nashville  and  can  move  to  Chattanooga,  I  shall, 
of  course,  go  there,  thence,  if  possible,  to  Memphis;  thence  to 
Cairo.  Beyond  this  last  point  I  cannot  lay  down  my  route  for 
the  present,  but  I  may  go  again  to  Chicago. 
Yours  fraternally, 

J.  DAi^Y. 


XI 

This  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  of  instructions  given  by  John 
O'Mahony.  Head  Centre  Fenian  Brotherhood,  to  Captain 
Thomas  J.  Kelly,  who  was  about  to  visit  Dublin  going  by  way 
of  Liverpool.  The  original  is  in  the  handwriting  of  O'Mahony 
on  the  official  paper  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood. 


HEADQUARTERS    FENIAN    BROTHERHOOD, 
22  Duane  Street, 

New  York  City,  March  17,  1865. 
(Box  3821,  P.  O.) 
To  Captain  T.  J.  Kelly. 

Brother:  In  accordance  with  the  resolution  of  the  C.  C.  F.  B., 
of  which  you  are  herewith  furnished  with  a  copy,  you  will 
proceed  at  once  to  Liverpool  and  thence  without  any  delay  to 
Dublin. 

When  arrived  in  the  latter  city  you  will  report  immediately 
to  the  C.  E.  I.  R.  B.  and,  having  delivered  to  him  the  docu- 
ments which  I  have  entrusted  to  your  charge,  you  will  place 
yourself  completely  under  his  orders  for  the  period  of  three 
months,  to  commence  from  the  date  of  your  landing  in  Dublin, 
and  you  will  perform  faithfully  such  duties  as  he  may  assign 
you.  At  the  end  of  three  months,  you  will,  as  the  resolution 
of  the  C.  C.  F.  B.  points  out,  render  a  full  report  in  writing 
of  the  state  of  the  I.  R.  B.,  specifying  in  the  said  report  its 
constitution,  mode  of  government,  the  manner  of  persons 
whereof  said  government  is  composed,  its  military  strength, 
its  financial  resources  and  expenditure,  and  its  general  avail- 
ability for  successful  action  within  the  present  year,  taking  in 
account  the  means  at  the  actual  disposal  of  its  Executive  aided 
by  such  assistance  as  can  be  furnished  it  from  America  within 
that  time  according  to  your  own  experience  of  both  organ- 
izations up  to  the  time  of  making  your  said  report,  and  using 
your  own  military  knowledge  as  your  sole  guide  in  forming 
your  opinion. 

In  making  the  said  report  you  will  state  nothing  but  what 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  187 

you  shall  yourself  have  acquired  an  actual  knowledge  of.  You 
will  set  down  no  fact  from  hearsay  or  upon  reports  furnished 
you  by  others,  judging  in  all  cases  from  such  surroundings  as 
you  shall  be  brought  in  contact  with  while  performing  your 
duties  under  the  C.  E. 

If  in  your  unbiased  judgment  there  should  be  no  probability 
of  successful  action  this  year  (1865)  you  will  in  that  case  return 
to  these  Head  Quarters  after  the  expiration  of  the  three  months 
aforesaid  and  present  your  report  in  person  to  the  H.  C.  &  C.  C. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  you  find  matters  to  be  by  that  time 
in  such  a  state  of  forwardness  as  to  render  a  successful  rising 
probable,  or  even  possible  without  a  foreign  war,  during  the 
present  year,  you  will  continue  under  the  orders  of  the  C.  E. 
and  transmit  your  report  by  a  special  and  trusty  messenger. 
This  report  you  shall  draw  up  yourself  without  the  aid  or 
council  of  any  person  whatever,  and  without  submitting  it  to 
the  approval  of  any  parties  living  in  Ireland. 

While  in  Ireland  you  will  not  attempt  to  influence  in  any 
way  the  free  action  of  the  C.  E.  or  the  P.  G.,  neither  shall  you 
argue  points  with  them,  but  shall  execute  literally  and  without 
demur  such  orders  as  you  shall  receive. 

While  upon  this  service,  and  until  further  orders,  you  shall 
receive  the  pay  of  Captain  in  the  United  States  Army,  which 
shall  be  paid  to  you  by  the  C.  E.  I.  R.  B. 

You  will  impress  thoroughly  upon  your  mind  the  vast  im- 
portance of  these  duties  which  have  been  now  entrusted  to  you 
by  the  H.  C.  &  C.  C.  of  the  F.  B.  Upon  their  due  and  exact 
performance  depends  in  a  very  great  measure  the  future  wel- 
fare of  both  the  F.  B.  and  the  I.  R.  B.  Yours  is  by  far  the 
most  serious  mission  ever  yet  sent  from  America  to  Ireland. 

May  the  God  of  our  sires  watch  over  your  safety  and  render 
you  equal  to  your  high  trust.     I  remain  in  Fraternity, 
Your  faithful  servant, 

(Signed)  JOHN  O'MAHONY, 
H.  U.  b\  B. 

This  document  is  endorsed  as  follows: 

"No.  1 — Instructions  to  Capt.  Kelly,  Military  Envoy  to 
Ireland.     Left  New  York  25th  March  1865." 


i88  APPENDIX    TO 

XII 

This  is  a  letter  of  introduction  carried  by  Captain  Thomas  Kelly 
from  John  O'Mahony,  Head  Centre.  Fenian  Brotherhood,  New 
York,  to  James  Stephens,  Chief  Executive,  Irish  Republican 
Brotherhood,  Dublin.  There  is  a  noticeable  lack  of  warmth  and 
cordiality  in  the  communication. 


H.  C.  F.  B.  to  the  C.  E.  I.  R.  B. 

ITth  March,  '65. 
To  the  C.  E.  I.  R.  B.  (Dublin): 

Brother — The  bearer  (Captain  Kelly),  whom  you  already 
know,  is  the  first  of  a  series  of  messengers  voted  to  be  sent 
to  Ireland  and  placed  under  your  orders  by  the  late  Congress 
of  the  P.  B.  He  is,  moreover,  furnished  with  a  special  order 
from  the  C.  E.,  of  the  nature  of  which  the  accompanying  reso- 
lution will  acquaint  you  fully.  He  will  also  show  you  his 
special  orders  from  these  headquarters. 

I  need  not  impress  upon  you  the  sound  policy — nay,  the  abso- 
lute necessity — of  enabling  him  to  fulfill  the  mission  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  C.  C.  and  myself,  even  should  things  be  far 
beyond  my  expectations  even  then  it  is  best  to  send  him  back 
at  the  time  specified  in  his  instructions.  Thus  you  will  make 
assurance  doubly  sure,  and  thus  will  you  the  more  readily 
procure  that  which  you  most  require  for  your  purpose.  Mat- 
ters here  are  not  now  as  they  were  when  you  and  I  were  as 
one.  An  element  has  been  brought  into  our  councils,  though 
by  no  agency  of  mine,  that  must  be  perfectly  satisfied  on  the 
points  in  question.  Satisfy  the  C.  C.  fully  and  your  wishes 
shall  be  promptly  attended  to,  otherwise  they  will  not.  This 
is  all-important.  I  would  also  impress  upon  you  the  necessity 
of  sending  a  prompt  and  favorable  reply  to  the  address  for- 
warded to  you  by  the  C.  C.  Its  anxiety  will  soon  be  looking 
out  for  it.  If  you  do  not  specially  want  Regan  it  is  best  to 
send  him  out  with  it.  It  will  be  of  service  to  have  him  bring 
good  news  to  his  comrades  in  this  city.  I  understood  the  im- 
policy of  the  late  publications  all  through.  But  by  your  con- 
trivance, it  would  seem  my  opinion  had  got  to  be  in  light 
esteem  by  your  special  friends  and  I  thought  it  of  too  much 
worth  to  be  thrown  away.  On  the  whole,  however,  it  may  do 
good  all  over,  but  has  it  not  made  your  position  doubly  dan- 
gerous, so  much  for  rushing  things? 

You  will  be  glad,  perhaps,  to  learn  that  I  have  at  last  got 
a  C.  C.  that  is  perfectly  free  from  any  special  favoritism 
towards  me.  There  is,  in  fact,  but  one  upon  it  (Wm.  Sullivan) 
from  whom  I  could  expect  any  personal  regard,  except  on  the 
grounds  of  our  one  common  purpose  in  political  matters.  This 
is  what  I  like,  as  I  find  them  to  be  nearly  all  earnest,  practical 
men  in  the  cause.  The  official  staff  selected  by  the  body  has, 
also,  been  chosen  independently  of  any  initiative  of  mine.  I 
had  not  much  previous  knowledge  of  any  of  them  except  Capt. 


DENIEFFE'S  RECOLLECTIONS.  189 

Walsh.  I  simply  approved  of  them  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  members  and  Chairman  of  the  C.  C.  Mr,  Finerty,  to  whom 
alone  I  objected  on  the  grounds  of  his  being  distrustful  to  you, 
was  proposed  and  strongly  supported  by  your  friends,  Messrs. 
Scanlon  and  Dunn.  I  do  not  think  him  a  bad  man  myself.  My 
reason  for  having  been  so  passive  in  matters  of  such  vital 
importance  was  the  fact  that  distrust  of  my  capacity  and  in- 
tellect had  been  sown  in  our  ranks,  for  I  think  Sherlock  was 
true  upon  this  point. 

Under  our  revised  constitution  you  will  see  that  all  official 
communication  from  you  to  the  F.  B.  must  come  through  the 
H.  C.  in  future.  I  must  insist  upon  this  respect  being  paid 
to  the  office  wherewith  I  am  invested  by  my  constituents.  If 
not  I  shall  hold  myself  at  liberty  to  communicate  directly  with 
your  constituents  upon  the  matters  concerning  the  I.  R.  B. 
You  will  be  very  sorry  to  learn  that  our  friend  Mr.  McCarthy 
is  very  ill.  His  loss  would  be  severely  felt  now.  I  trust,  how- 
ever, the  coming  of  fine  weather  will  restore  him  to  health. 

Fraternally,  your  obed.  servt., 

THE  H.  C.  F.  B. 

H.  C.  F.  B.  to  C.  E.  I.  R.  B.,  17th  March,  '65 


XIII 

The  original  of  the  following  letter  is  in  the  handwriting 
of  General  Millen  and  contains  an  account  of  his  arrival  in 
Dublin  and  the  persons  whom  he  had  met.  He  refers  to  the 
leaders  by  numbers,  consequently,  it  is  not  easy  to  identify 
them.  No.  9  is  believed  to  be  Col.  Thomas  Kelly.  His  sug- 
gestion that  several  of  the  Dublin  editors  couTd  be  subsidized 
for  £100  is  rather  amusing  and  indicates  that  he  considered 
them  a  cheap  lot.  In  that  he  was  probably  mistaken,  althougli 
his  idea  may  have  been  a  good  one.  The  letter  is  signed 
"George  Robinson,"  which  is  known  to  have  been  his  nom  de 
plume,  or  rather  nom  de  guerre. 


Doc.  "C.  1." 
Dublin,  April  12,  '65. 

Dear  Brother:  In  consequence  of  sickness  aboard  the  steamer 
in  which  I  sailed,  was  not  permitted  to  anchor  at  Queenstown, 
so  I  was  carried  to  Liverpool  and  did  not  reach  this  place  until 
the  2d  inst. 

The  same  day  of  my  arrival  I  waited  upon  the  gentleman  in 
Dame  street,  and  was  that  evening  presented  to  both  of  the 
other  parties,  to  either  of  whom  you  told  me  to  deliver  the 
two  small  packages  of  samples  numbered  1  &  2,  which  I  im- 
mediately did.  They  told  me  that  9  was  in  England.  Four 
days  afterwards  they  sent  a  messenger  to  advise  him  of  my 
presence  and  to-day,  by  return,  he  informs  us  that  business  of 
an  important  nature  will  detain  him  where  he  is  until  about 
the  22d  in^t. 


190  APPENDIX    TO 

As  I  have  not  yet  seen  9  and  also  as  the  other  four  num- 
bers of  the  firm  with  whom  your  letters  brought  me  in  con- 
tact have  not  volunteered  me  any  information  regarding  the 
actual  state  of  business  affairs  here,  I  can  as  yet  say  but  little 
about  it;  if,  however,  I  might  venture  an  opinion  after  so 
short  a  stay,  I  would  at  least  say  that  the  people  are  all  so 
unanimous  (that  is  all  whom  I  have  sounded  upon  the  mat- 
ter) in  their  hatred  of  the  . .  that  I  should  think  it  an  easy 
enough  matter  to  get  up  a  respectable  linen  trade. 

There  is  one  thing  which  from  this  time  I  beg  leave  to  urge 
upon  the  members  of  our  firm  in  New  York,  that  is,  that  li" 
we  wish  to  silence  the  ..s  who  always  endeavor  to  keep  our 
customers  disunited,  we  must  advertise  for  goods  in  more  than 
one  newspaper;  we  must  make  the  press  of  this  country  sub- 
servient to  the  wants  of  our  business;  we  must  purchase  the 
good  will  of  a  few  Editors,  so  that  thro'  them  we  can  place 
before  the  Irish  public  the  nature  and  advantages  of  our  busi- 
ness. Without  withdrawing  our  patronage  from  D.  (which  of 
course  the  world  knows  is  entirely  ours)  we  ought  to  spend 
judiciously  a  few  hundred  pounds  in  order  to  procure  the 
good  opinion  of  some  of  the  leading  journals,  as  well  in  the 
large  cities  as  in  some  of  the  cheap  towns.  The  fact  of  such 
papers  being  out  in  favor  of  our  house  would  do  more  to  get 
us  friends  from  all  classes— I  think — and  to  silence  the  slander- 
ous tongue  of  the  ..s  or  to  nullify  its  effects  than  anything 
else  that  I  can  think  of.  I  seriously  recommend  the  foregoing 
suggestion  to  the  consideration  of  our  house  in  N.  Y.  so  that 
if  they  think  favorably  of  it,  they  might  mention  it  to  9  when 
they  write. 

As  you  well  know  the  great  want  of  5,  6,  &  7,  etc.,  experienced 
here  just  now,  I  feel  that  I  need  not  mention  to  you  the  neces- 
sity of  sending  over  what  you  can  in  small  packages  for  the 
purpose  of  distribution  amongst  our  customers  here. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  is  in  Dublin — he  came  over  to  open  the 
Exhibition.  I  have  seen  him  pass  four  times;  thrice  in  the 
street,  and  yesterday  at  a  grand  military  review  in  the  Phoenix 
Park.  In  the  street  there  was  hardly  a  person  to  even  lift  a 
hat  to  him,  and  passing  my  hotel  door  once,  and  again  yester- 
day in  the  park,  I  actually  heard  some  one  or  more  in  the 
crowd  hiss  him.  Besides,  some  wretches  had  the  impudence 
to  salute  his  Highness  from  across  the  Liffy  with  a  fish-mon- 
ger's large  tin  trumpet.  The  poor  fellow  thought  they  meant 
to  honor  him,  but  I  didn't  think  so  at  all.  What  a  thankless 
people  these  Irish  are;  did  you  ever  know  such  ingratitude  as 
they  have  manifested  in  the  cold  reception  given  to  His  Royal 
Highness?  Of  course  when  I  say  Irish  I  mean  the  mere  people 
of  the  country  and  do  not  include  our  true  English  Place-men, 
who  would  have  licked  the  dust  before  the  feet  of  the  Royal 
Prince. 

As  soon  as  I  shall  have  seen  9,  I  will  write  to  you  again 
and  then  perhaps  I  shall  be  better  enabled  to  form  a  correct 
idea  of  the  condition  of  our  affairs  here.     In  the  meantime, 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  191 

you  may  rest  assured  that  I  shall  lose  no  opportunities  of  col- 
lecting all  reliable  data  in  order  to  enable  me  to  remit  to 
our  house  in  N.  Y.  as  true  a  three-monthly  balance  sheet  as 
can  at  all  be  formed, 

9  writes  to  C.  C.  here  that  within  the  last  month  50  new  C's 
have  been  entered  upon  the  books  of  our  concern. 
I  am  Brother, 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

GEORGE  ROBINSON. 
P.  S. — If  you  should  find  occasion  to  write,  please  Rddress 
to  the  Star  &  Garter  here.  G.  R. 

Note. — General  Millen  used  the  assumed  name  "George  Rob- 
inaon." 


XIV 

This  letter  from  Col.  Thomas  J.  Kelly  to  John  O'Mahony 
contains   an   account   of   his   arrival    in    Ireland 

It  is  a  good  example  of  the  exceedingly  guarded  manner  in 
which  important  information  was  conveyed  from  one  side  of 
the  water  to  the  other.  Occasionally,  when  matters  of  great 
importance  had  to  be  communicated,  special  messengers  were 
sent  to  carry  the  papers  and  deliver  them  personally  into  the 
hands  of  the  parties  to  whom  they  were  addressed. 

The  letter  is  signed  "T.  J.  French."  which  was  one  of  several 
assumed  names  used  by  him  at  various  times. 


Cork,  May  1,  1865. 
John  O'Mahony,  H.  C.  F.  B.: 

My  Dear  Sir: — You  will  be  pleased  to  know  I  arrived  safely 
in  old  Ireland  on  April  6  in  good  health,  the  trip  across  having 
done  me  much  good.  My  uncle  was  out  of  town,  but  I  saw  him 
next  day  and  gave  him  the  mementoes  you  forwarded  by  me. 
Previous  to  looking  for  active  employment  I  spent  four  days 
home — one  with  mother,  one  with  uncles  and  two  with  a  sister. 
The  state  of  my  health,  however,  requiring  active  medical  aid, 
I  was  obliged  to  tear  myself  away  amid  some  most  heart-break- 
ing scenes.  Returning  to  Dublin  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  a 
large  number  of  friends,  of  all  ranks,  and  on  the  advice  of  my 
doctor  I  then  came  to  this  latitude  where  I  find  the  climate  to 
be  exceedingly  healthy.  My  expectations  here  and  in  Dublin 
were  amply  realized.  Among  the  workmen  at  my  business,  and 
I  have  been  high  and  low,  the  determination  seems  to  be  unani- 
mous that  there  must  be  a  strike  for  wages  here  this  year. 
Indeed,  from  what  I  have  seen  I  think  the  union  will  become 
defunct  if  it  does  not  take  place,  because  fully  one-half  the 
best  workmen  I  have  met  express  a  determination  to  emigrate 
if  they  have  to  live  on  present  rates  beyond  next  harvest.  Men 
fitted  to  direct  movements,  as  you  are  accustomed  to  have  them 
done  in  America,  are  sadly  needed,  although  much  is  being 
done  by  men  versed  in  the  English  style  of  polishing;  yet  they 


192  APPENDIX   TO 

pre  necessarily  circumscribed  in  their  operations  by  reason  of 
the  increasing  vigilance  of  their  employers.  A  good  number 
of  our  mechanics,  as  far  as  I  have  seen  them,  are  competent 
and  skilled  to  undertake  any  kind  of  contract,  if  the  plans 
were  drawn  and  they  only  had  the  tools  and  foremen,  and  the 
remainder  of  those  I  have  seen,  if  the  proportion  in  other  parts 
of  the  country  is  nearly  commensurate,  need  but  competent 
instructors  and  fitting  machinery  to  convince  the  world  that 
Irish  manufactures  are  superior  to  those  of  England.  The 
whole  country  appears  to  be  of  one  mind  on  this  point,  with 
but  few  exceptions,  the  opposition  and  persecution  of  the  Cul- 
len  police  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  So  intolerable  in- 
deed has  this  opposition  become  that  the  feeling  of  indigna- 
tion it  has  aroused  is  frequently  found  to  be  the  greatest  stim- 
ulus to  action.  One  fact  has  become  plain  to  me,  viz.,  that  we 
have  no  one  competent  to  hold  a  corresponding  relation  to  our 
trade  as,  say,  Grant  holds  to  the  American  army.  We  have 
men  well  fitted  to  do  anything  in  the  way  of  organizing  trades' 
unions,  and  who  have  really  done  and  are  doing  all  in  that 
way  that  was  and  is  possible;  but  the  example  of  the  lookout 
in  the  iron  trade  in  England  has  convinced  me  that  the  em- 
ployees should  have  at  least  one  man  competent  to  plan  sim- 
ultaneous action  for  the  men  in  all  districts.  Besides  the 
means  of  support  of  :.he  strikers  should  be  calculated  and  not 
left  to  chance,  and  this  must  be  done  by  a  person  accustomed 
to  organize  committees  and  arrange  plans  for  that  purpose. 

The  gentleman  who  will  give  you  this  letter  was  formerly 
connected  with  the  Seventy-fifth  Regiment,  N.  Y.  M.,  in  the 
same  company  with  myself,  under  poor  Doheny.  He  joined 
the  union  here  to-day,  and  I  think  would  have  remained  at 
home  and  gone  to  work,  but  that  his  passage  is  engaged.  Hav- 
ing been  a  captain  in  the  army  he  could  be  of  great  assistance. 
As  he  is  about  to  leave  for  the  train  I  must  close.  Respects 
to  Mac,  O'K.  and  the  boys,  Yours, 

(Signed)  T.  J.  FRENCH. 


XV 

Letter  in  handwriting  of  Capt.  Kelly,  addressed  on  envelope 
to  H.  C.  P.  B.,  and  sent  by  messenger.     It  is  signed  "Your 
sincere  friend,  Tom." 


Dublin,  May  31,  1865. 

My  Dear  Sir: — I  avail  myself  of  the  departure  of  a  gentle 
man  from  Ballinasloe  to  communicate  a  few  items. 

I  have  been  enjoying  good  health  for  some  time  past,  and 
have  been  gaining  in  flesh,  so  that  now  I  have  attained  my 
standard  weight. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  counselling  with  the  friends  the  other 
evening,  and  the  state  of  trade  was  represented  to  be  in  such  a 
condition  that  all  the  available  funds  of  the  firm  were  deemed 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  193 

to  be  essential  immediately,  and  that  it  would  be  too  late  for 
your  house  to  invest  after  I  had  made  full  reports  in  July.  Of 
course,  I  insisted  on  complying  with  the  directions  your  firm 
gave  me  to  the  fullest  extent,  although  I  am  forced  to  the 
conclusion  that  from  the  immense  emigration  taking  place  we 
will  lose  our  best  customers  and  workmen  if  we  do  not  open 
the  factory  this  fall.  I  know  that  the  union  must  go  to  pieces 
after  this  year  if  work  is  not  supplied  to  the  hands.  I  talk 
frequently  with  all  my  hands  and  I  find  that  large  numbers 
are  remaining  with  the  promise  of  employment.  I  do  not  see 
the  wisdom  of  having  made  this  promise,  without  being  cer- 
tain that  the  resources  are  ample.  Yet  the  promise  is  made, 
and  I  am  certain,  judging  comparatively  from  what  I  have 
seen,  can  be  realized  if  the  machinery  can  be  furnished.  Skilled 
mechanics  are  indispensable,  more  especially  draughtsmen  and 
designers.    Thirty  or  forty  first-class  men  can  do  the  work. 

Mr.  M.  is  here  and  at  work.  I  believe  he  has  got  a  job  in 
the  city.  When  it  was  made  known  that  he,  too,  had  a  three 
months'  job  and  that  nothing  would  be  determined  on  until 
after  that  time  it  had  a  very  depressing  effect,  inasmuch  as 
work  is  meant,  and  subsequent  operations  would  run  too  far 
into  the  year.     Yet  it  may  be  all  for  the  best. 

You  have,  I  suppose,  seen  the  announcement  of  the  Palmers- 
town  flax-cotton  mills  being  put  in  operation.  I  do  not  see 
why  we,  too,  cannot  make  a  footing  if  the  necessary  capital 
can  be  raised. 

I  proceed  to  Limerick  in  a  day  or  two,  and  will  avail  myself 
of  the  first  opoortunity  to  write  to  you.  Please  let  John  and 
H.  O'C.  see  this. 

My  friend  is  not  in  the  secret  and  will  be  treated  accord- 
ingly.    I  remain  as  ever,  your  sincere  friend,  TOM. 

Please  give  my  respects  to  the  young  man  in  the  Times 
ofllce;  any  letters  for  me  addressed  "M.  S.  Kelly,  Main  street, 
Lcnghrea,  Ireland,"  will  come  to  hand  safely. 


XVI 

This  important  letter  in  the  handwriting  of  James  Stephens, 
consisting  of  ten  closely  written  8vo.  pages,  is  unfortunately 
incomplete.  All  after  page  10  is  missing.  In  it  he  refers  to 
P.  J.  Meehan  and  describes  the  condition  of  the  organization 
in  Dublin  after  the  seizure  of  the  "Irish  People"  and  the  arrest 
of  its  editors  and  staff.  The  envelope  is  marked  "Dispatches 
from  the  C.  E.  and  Captain  Kelly,  per  Lt.  Corridon,"  and  en- 
dorsed "Received  Nov.  29th,  '65." 


I.  R. 
To  the  H.  C.  &  C.  C.  F.  B. 

Dublin,   Oct.   14th,   1865. 
Brothers:     The  day  after  the  memorable  razzia — on  this  very 
day  four  weeks — I  wrote  you  a  hurried  account  of  what  had 


194  APPENDIX    TO 

taken  place,  and  committed  my  letter  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  the  British  Post  Office.  It  is  reported  that  that  letter  was 
intercepted.  But  I  don't  believe  this.  Because  the  authorities 
here  are  stupid  and  blundering  as  they  are  brutal  and  men- 
dacious, and  because  my  letter  was  posted  at  such  an  hour 
that,  unless  they  opened  all  letters  addressed  to  America,  it  is 
very  unlikely  they  should  have  hit  on  mine.  But  there  is  such 
a  thing  as  chance;  and  on  this  occasion,  as  so  often  before, 
chance  may  have  favored  our  stolid  foe.  A  week  afterwards 
I  again  wrote  to  you,  and  this  time  my  letter  was  entrusted 
to  a  man  esteemed  by  all  true  Irishmen  who  know  him — Cap- 
tain Murphy.  The  Captain  has,  before  this,  explained  to  you 
how  he  was  detained  here  four  or  five  days  longer  than  we 
anticipated.  I  am  confident  that  he  has  also  explained  much 
more  important  matters  and  fully  made  good  the  shortcomings 
in  my  letter.  At  the  same  time,  I  should  say  that  I  consider 
my  own  letter  rather  explicit  and  comprehensive,  and  that  you 
ehould  rely  on  its  having  given  you  an  exact  account  of  our 
actual  position,  This  I  feel  so  thoroughly  that,  even  if  you 
never  received  another  line  from  me  before  the  move,  I  should 
consider  you  "posted"  in  all  great  essentials.  I  certainly  feel 
bound  to  point  out  to  you  the  best  part  of  the  coast  to  steer 
to,  and  I  make  it  a  point  of  duty  to  send  over  some  experienced 
pilots,  soon  as  I  have  the  means  of  doing  so.  But,  even  if  pre- 
vented from  doing  these  and  other  more  or  less  important 
things,  my  last  letter  should  have  shown  you  how  to  act, 
whatever  might  have  happened  to  me.  This,  as  it  has  been 
my  most  constant  aim,  would  also  be  my  greatest  glory — to 
make  the  cause  altogether  independent  of  myself.  And  this,  I 
now  triumphantly  assert,  has  been  accomplished,  provided  only 
that  you  are  equal  to  the  duty  of  the  time. 

And  yet  a  great — an  awful — duty  has  devolved  on  you,  owing 
to  your  doubts  and  action,  and  the  consequent  action  of  the 
British  Government.  For  the  public  prints  (and  you  have  not 
received,  and  shall  not  receive,  a  word  of  news,  through  any 
public  source,  chat  is  not  hostile  to  us,  the  most  vilely  hostile 
of  all  being  the  quasi  national  rags),  must  have  made  it  clear 
to  you — clear  beyond  any  possible  doubt — that  the  action  of 
the  Government  here  has  been  solely  owing  to  that  damnable 
blunder  of  one  of  your  delegates.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  hard  on 
Mr.  Meehan.  and  God  forbid  that  I  should  be  unjust  to  him. 
But  the  feeling  here  is  fearful  against  him,  and,  whatever  his 
innocence,  he  deserves  little  at  our  hands.  But  I  leave  you 
to  form  your  own  judgment  of  his  conduct  from  the  public 
prints.  It  is  my  duty,  however,  to  add  that,  even  since  the 
arrests — nay,  since  the  trials,  and  since  his  name  has  publicly 
appeared  as  one  of  your  delegates — he  has  written  a  letter  to 
one  of  the  men  in  prison.  This  letter  was  very  loosely 
written,  called  on  the  man  written  to  to  call  on  Mr.  A.  M.  Sul- 
livan (Goula!),  and  was  signed  P.  J.  Meehan!  The  letter  was 
opened  in  the  postoffice,  and  then  delivered  to  the  prisoner's 
wife.     Even  I   think  it  strange  that  Mr.   Meehan  should   still 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  195 

be  in  Ireland  and  free.     I  trust  he  may  be  able  to  account  to 
you  for  himself.     This  said,  1  return  to  the  essential  of  all 
essential  points  now — your  being  equal  to  the  awful  but  glor- 
ious duty  of  the  time.    To  be  so — to  save  your  names  and  souls 
from  actual  shame  and  remorse — you  should  every  hour  do  the 
work  of  a  day.     Hours  are  now  precious  and  mighty  for  good 
or   evil.     Any   apparent   apathy  or   inability   on   your   part   at 
present   would   madden   men   here,   and   even   I    might  not   be 
nble   to   control   all   parts.      Yet   the   madness    of   one    district 
would  compromise  all.     But  if  you  give  a  fair  appearance  of 
work,  I  answer  for  everything.     I  answer  for  it,  even  though 
I  should  be  in  prison,  out  of  which  I  have  kept  by  a  foresight 
and  prudence  lauded  by  all  who  know  the  circumstances.  Don't 
be  deceived  by  the  apparent  calmness  of  the  friends  here.     It 
would  be  base  to  be  deceived  by  the  lying  reports  of  our  being 
cowed.     Cowed!     There  never  has  been  so  true  and  strong  a 
resolution  to  go  on  as  now.     The  calmness  that  deceives  our 
enemies — does  it  deceive  them? — is   the  result  of  a  discipline 
never  before  equalled  by  men  not  trained  in  open  war.     But 
for  me — but  for  my  express  orders — Dublin  City  would   have 
been  captured  the  night  of  the  "seizure."     Some  of  the  best 
men   here  were   with   me  before  I   lay  down   that  night  and 
wanted  orders  from  me.      (The  best  men  here  don't  come  to 
suggest,  still  less  to  offer  counsel — they  come  to  me  for  orders.) 
I  ordered  thtm  to  disperse  our  friends  and  send  them  all  home. 
In  fifteen  minutes  after  these  orders  were  issued  scarcely  a 
friend  of  ours  could  be  found  in  the  streets  of  Dublin.     And 
throughout   the   whole   country  the   same  admirable   sense   of 
discipline  was,  and  has  ever  since  been  manifested.     Outsiders 
cannot  see  this,  and  so  it  is  said  that  we  are  nowhere.    But  that 
we  were,  and  continue  to  be,  everywhere,  and  with  a  power 
that,  if  known,  would  add  to  the  ludicrous  terror  of  the  enemy, 
is  clear  from  the  conduct  of  our  friends.     From  all  parts  men 
come  to  Dublin  to  hear  from  me  what  should  be  done.     This 
enabled  me  to  accomplish  a  great  deal  with  small  means.     For 
these   emissaries  generally  came  at  their  own   expense.     And 
this  brings  me  to  our  financial  position.     At  the  time  of  the 
first  arrests  I  had  scarcely  any  money.     Your  first  large  order 
(for  £1,000)  had  been  but  a  couple  of  days  in  hand.    O'L.  had 
drawn   £300  of  this  amount.     He  could  not  well   have  drawn 
more,  for,  as  you  are  aware,  the  bill  was  payable  only  three 
days  after  sight,  and,  as  Rothschild  has  no  agent  here,  it  takes 
about   five   days   to   get   one   of   his    bills    cashed    in    full.     As 
there  were  heavy  claims  on  me  at  the  time,  nearly  all  the  £300 
had  been  disbursed  at  the  time  of  the  arrests.    So  that  I  found 
myself  compelled  to  borrow  money  again,  and  at  such  a  time! 
Yet  I  have  succeeded  in  raising  enough  to  keep  us  afloat  up  to 
this,  and  even  longer  at  need.     But  I  sincerely  trust  you  will 
come  to  the  rescue  soon.     The  remaining  £700  (of  that  £1,000 
bill),  together  with  all  the  drafts  since  forwarded,  have,  with 
one  exception  (the  last  draft,  for  £1,500)  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Government.     Even  the    £1,500  draft  is  useless  to  us, 


196  APPENDIX    TO 

the  man  in  whose  favor  it  was  drawn  being  now  a  prisoner. 
But  the  fact  of  your  having  sent  so  much  money  (comparatively 
speaking),  in  so  short  a  time,  has  done  good;  for  it  has  not 
only  shown  your  earnestness,  but  your  ability  also.  Few  true 
men  now  have  any  doubt  that  you  shall  fulfill  your  promises 
and  realize  our  just  expectations  to  the  letter.  This  said,  I 
must  return  to  these  intercepted  drafts.  They  have  not  been 
forwarded  according  to  my  directions.  I  told  our  late  lamented 
friend — McCarthy — to  have  all  sums  under  £1,000  sent  alter- 
nately to  O'L.  and  his  sister.  All  sums  over  £1,000  were  to 
have  been  sent  to  my  credit  to  Paris.  In  the  hurry  of  business 
and  the  state  of  health  into  which  he  fell  but  too  soon  after  my 
departure,  he  may  have  forgotten  these  instructions.  Possibly 
none  of  you  ever  heard  of  them.       ********* 


XVII 

This  letter  was  written  by  O'Donovan  Rossa  in  1865  to  John 
O'Mahony  in  New  York  and  was  carried  over  by  Thomas 
Clarke  Luby,  who  was  called  "Doctor"  because  of  his  degree 
of  LL.  D. 


"R."  2. 

My  Dear  Friend:  As  the  Doctor  is  going  voyaging,  I  avail  of 
him  to  send  you  the  following  narrative. 

On  last  Tuesday  week  a  friend  told  me  that  a  soldier  friend 
of  his  was  in  difficulties.  I  went  to  see  him.  His  name  is 
Montague,  and  he  belonged  to  the  5th  Dragoons.  A  comrade 
of  his  was  under  arrest  for  some  days.  He  was  in  his  stables 
when  a  friend  of  his,  an  orderly,  came  to  him  saying:  "You  are 
to  be  arrested  at  11  o'clock.  You  have  only  5  minutes  to  spare 
and  if  you  value  your  liberty  and  your  life  you  will  make  the 
best  use  of  the  time." 

Off  he  went.  I  met  a  friend  in  town  just  about  two  hours 
after  this  occurrence.  He  is  connected  with  shipping  and  I 
entrusted  the  secret  to  him.  He  promised  to  do  all  he  could, 
and  a  letter  yesterday  told  me  the  soldier  was  in  safe  keeping 
and  awaiting  a  favorable  opportunity  to  go  towards  your 
country.  Detectives  innumerable  have  been  scenting  him  here, 
but  of  course  there  are  detectives  on  another  side  too.  If  this 
soldier  reaches  you,  he  will,  in  telling  you  what  he  knows,  tell 
you  something  that  may  astonish  you.  And  if  there  are 
amongst  you  an>  who  doubt  the  dangerous  work  which  we  are 
persistently  pushing,  it  may  be  well  they  should  see  Montague 
and  hear  his  story. 

I  was  in  Conna-;ght  last  month  with  another  friend;  we 
returned;  the  friend  went  again,  and  to-dav  I  received  a  letter 
from  him  stating  that  he  had  to  run  from  Ballymote  and  Bally- 
shannon  as  he  was  only  two  minutes  out  of  the  Hotel  when 
an  Inspector  of  Police  witli  an  escort  came  looking  for  him. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS. 


197 


This,  I  believe,  is  partly  the  work  of  a  Bishop  in  Sligo.  who 
the  Sunday  after  we  were  there  spolve  of  us.  There  is  not  a 
county  in  Ireland  that  is  not  now  vigorously  working  with  a 
view  to  immediate  work  and  we  only  require  means  from  your 
side  to  accomplish  the  work.  Many  of  our  people  are  emigrat- 
ing—obliged to  leave,  they  say.  I  have  given  a  few  intro- 
ductions against  my  will,  to  a  few.  My  own  opinion  is,  that 
the  preparation  cannot  be  given  by  you  in  the  expected  time, 
if  you  are  not  satisfied  that  the  material  is  here  and  is  being 
provided  here. 

I  see  a  growing  disaffection  in  the  minds  of  men,  and  a 
determination  to  skidaddle  shortly  if  there  is  not  some  ap- 
pearance of  Fight.  I  can  hear  them— speak  among  themselves. 
and  here  is  the  substance  of  their  resolve.  We  are  holding  to- 
gether at  much  personal  and  other  sacrifice  on  the  expecta- 
tion of  a  fight  this  year,  and  on  the  promise  of  it.  There  are 
now  but  three  or  four  months'  time,  there  are  no  arms  from 
America  or  means  to  buy  them  up  to"  this.  If  instead  of  send- 
ing us  the  means  to  fight,  they  only  send  men  to  inquire  into 
our  condition,  and  report  thereon  the  thing  will  never  be 
done.  This  is  no  time  for  delays  of  such  a  nature,  etc.,  etc. 
This  is  what  is  said,  and  I  cannot  help  seeing  matters  in 
this  light  myself.  I  am  almost  certain  the  Gkjvernment  will 
shortly  take  alarm.  I  am  sure  of  arrest  myself  with  many 
others,  and  it  is  a  terrible  thing  to  have  the  country  unarmed. 
This  is  private  for  yourself.  If  there  isn't  a  fight  this  year,  ' 
you  will  be  held  largely  responsible  and  I  fear  inesti- 
mable harm  will  be  done.  My  uncle  is  out  through  England 
and  Scotland  for  the  last  month.  He  directed  I  would  be  sent 
for  to  go  to  see  you,  and  I  learn  now  that  he  has  changed  his 
mind.  I  should  like  to  see  you,  as  a  private  friend  anyway, 
and  for  public  reasons,  with  a  view  to  hurry  war.  Remember 
me  to  H.  O'P.,  Parrick,  Denis,  etc.,  etc.     Yours, 

ROSSA. 

P.  S. — Do  you  know  what  I  think  myself,  it  is  this,  there 
are  parties  here  who  write  to  parties  amongst  you  saying 
there  is  little  or  nothing  done  here.  This  is  the  excuse  for  ttie 
cowardice  here.  Doubts  are  created  in  the  mind  of  the  party 
over  there,  those  doubts  are  taken  into  your  councils,  and 
hence  the  inquiries  and  delay.  I  do  not  fear  offending  or 
hurting  you  when  I  give  you  my  mind  candidly.  I  thought 
to  write  about  the  soldier  only,  but  you  see  how  far  I  have 
gone.  I  suppose  I'll  be  off  again  somewhere  next  week  when 
my  Uncle  returns. 


198  APPENDIX    TO 

XVIII 
(Printed  Circular.) 

War  Department,  P.  B,, 
New  York,  October  27,  1865. 
Special  Orders,  No,  1. 
Charles  Carroll  Tevis  is  hereby  appointed  Adjutant  General 
of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood,  with  the  rank  of  brigadier  general. 
All    communications  on   military   matters   will   be   addressed 
to  these  Headquarters. 

(Signed)     T.  W.   SWEENY, 

Sec.  of  War,  P.  B. 
Approved, 

JOHN  O'MAHONY, 

President,  P.  B. 


XIX 

MILITARY  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE   FENIAN  BROTHER- 
HOOD. 

Section  1st. — The  President  shall  appoint,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  a  Board  of  Military  Examina- 
tion, consisting  of  three  persons,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to 
examine  all  candidates  to  commissions  in  the  Army  of  the  Irish 
Republic. 

Sec.  2nd.— Said  Board  will  class  all  successful  candidates  in 
the  order  of  their  respective  merits  and  qualifications,  as 
developed  in  their  examinations,  without  reference  to  their 
past  rank. 

Sec.  3rd. — All  officers  who  may  havs  passed  a  satisfactory 
examination  before  the  Military  Board  will  be  appointed  by  the 
President,  by  and  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  the  Senate, 
said  officers  to  be  ordered  upon  duty  at  such  time  as  the 
President  shall  determine  and  the  exigencies  of  the  public 
service  demand. 

Sec,  4th. — The  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  one  experienced  military  man  in 
such  State  to  act  as  Assistant  Inspector  General,  whose  duty 
it  will  be  to  superintend  the  military  organization  of  the  State, 
to  inquire  into  and  examine  the  applications  of  all  candidates 
from  his  State  for  permission  to  appear  before  the  Examining 
Board,  and  if  satisfied  as  to  their  eligibility,  he  shall  forward 
their  applications  to  the  Military  Board,  accompanied  by  such 
endorsement  as  he  shall  deem  fit,  to  make;  Provided,  that 
all  persons  whose  applications  may  be  refused  by  the  Assistant 
Inspector  General,  may  have  the  right  to  present  their  appli- 
cation in  person  to.  the  Military  Board  for  action. 

Sec.  5th. — The  Assistant  Inspector  General  shall  receive  no 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  199 

compensation  for  his  services,  but  all  necessary  expenses  in- 
curred in  the  line  of  his  duty  shall  be  audited  by  the  Military 
Board,  and  paid  from  such  funds  as  may  be  appropriated  for 
contingent  military  expenses  or  from  such  funds  in  the 
Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated. 

Sec.  6th. — That  all  the  members  of  the  Military  Board  pro- 
vided for  in  this  Constitution  shall  receive  such  compensation 
and  hold  such  rank  as  the  Senate  may  determine. 

Sec.  7th. — That  the  Portfolio  of  War  establish  subordinate 
bureaus  consisting  of 

Adjutant  Generals,  Ordnance, 

Inspectors  Generals^  Engineers, 

Quartermaster,  Medical  and 

Subsistence,  Pay  Department. 

That  the  rank  and  pay  of  all  officers  in  the  military  service 
of  the  F.  B.  of  America,  be  based  upon  the  system  adopted 
for  the  Regulations  of  the  U.  S.  A.,  and  shall  be  determined 
by  the  Senate. 

Sec.  8th. — The  Revised  Army  Regulations  of  the  U.  S.,  so  far 
as  the  same  can  be  made  applicable,  is  hereby  adopted  for  the 
government  of  the  military  organization  of  the  F.  B.  in 
America. 

Sec.  9th. — All  officers  ordered  for  duty  in  Ireland  or  else- 
where shall  be  provided  with  transportation  and  receive,  in 
addition,  six  months'  pay,  three  months  of  which  shall  be 
in  U.  S,  currency,  and  three  months  in  bonds  of  the  Irish 
Republic,  in  advance,  according  to  rank;  the  officers  to  be  paid 
as  regularly,  as  the  nature  of  the  service  will  permit,  monthly 
thereafter  by  the  financial  agent  abroad.  Nothing  in  this 
section  shall  prevent  the  Senate,  upon  recommendation  of 
the  Military  Board,  from  increasing  the  allowance  to  meet  the 
nature  and  exigencies  of  the  service  to  be  rendered. 

Signed  October  21st,  1865. 

JOHN  O'MAHONY,  Pres.  Special  Congress  of  F.  B. 

PETER  A.  SINNOT,  Sec. 


XX 

The   following   is   the   oath   of   allegiance   subscribed   to   by 
the  Fenians  in  America  before  the  invasion  of  Canada: 

OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE,  FENIAN  BROTHERHOOD. 

I,  M M do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will 

bear  true  allegiance  to  the  cause  of  Ireland,  and  that  I  will 
serve  It  honestly  and  faithfully  against  all  its  enemies,  and 
that  I  will  obey  all  orders  of  the  President,  Secretary  of  War, 
or  officers  appointed  over  me  according  to  the  rules  and  regu- 
lations established  for  the  government  of  the  armies  for  the 
liberation  of  Ireland,  SO  HELP  ME  GOD. 


200  APPENDIX    TO 

XXI 

War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant  General's   Office, 
New  York,  November  7,  1865. 
General  Orders,   No.   1. 

I.  In  compliance  with  Special  Orders,  No.  1,  War  Depart- 
ment, F.  B.,  the  undersigned  hereby  assumes  the  direction  of 
the  Adjutant  General's  Office  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood. 

II.  All  military  officers  belonging  to  the  organization  will 
report  immediately  their  addresses  in  writing  to  these  Head- 
quarters, giving  a  full  history  of  their  past  services,  stating 
the  period  of  time  served,  in  what  arm  of  the  service,  in  what 
corps,  division,  brigade  and  regiment  or  battery;  if  on  the  staff 
and  in  what  capacity;  the  battles  engaged  in;  if  on  detached 
service  and  in  what  capacity;  what  military  books  studied; 
if  wounded,  state  how  far  incapacitated  for  active  service. 
State  age,  birthplace,  by  whom  initiated,  when  and  where; 
transmit  copies  of  all  papers  relative  to  efficiency  in  any  branch 
of  the  service. 

III.  Every  report  must  be  forwarded  through  the  Assistant 
Inspector  General  of  each  State,  or  in  his  absence,  through 
the  Head  Centre,  and  indorsed  by  one  of  these  officers. 

IV.  Any  change  of  address  will  be  immediately  notified  to 
these  Headquarters;  a  non-compliance  with  this  order  will 
be  considered  as  an  evidence  of  insubordination  and  of  an 
unwillingness  to  render  service  to  the  cause  of  Ireland.  Any 
unavoidable  delays  will  be  explained  as  soon  as  practicable. 

V.  Tri-monthly  reports  will  be  furnished  to  these  Headquar- 
ters by  each  Centre  on  the  tenth  (10th),  twentieth  (20th),  and 
last  day  of  every  month,  stating  the  number  of  men  prepared 
to  go  into  the  field  at  a  week's  notice;  their  etiiciency  as 
soldiers,  their  arms  and  ammunition  and  equipments  in  their 
possession,  or  at  the  disposal  of  the  Circles. 

VI.  Centres  will  make  such  necessary  remarks  as  will  enable 
the  War  Department  to  distinguish  the  most  reliable  men. 

By  order  of  the  Sec.  of  War.  F.  B.. 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 
Brig.   Gen.  and  A.  G.,  F.  B., 

Box  3821,  N.  Y.  P.  O. 


XXII 

The  following  is  in  the  well  known  handwriting  of  John 
O'Mahony.  and  is  evidently  the  original  draft  of  a  letter  of 
instructions  sent  or  given  to  John  jNIitchel  when  about  to  pro- 
ceed to  France  to  act  as  financial  agent  for  the  I.  R.  B.  in  that 
country.  It  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  important  papers  in 
the  collection.  The  manner  in  which  Mitchel  is  to  act  under 
certain  contingencies,  the  manner  in  which  and  the  names  of  the 
persons  to   whom   he   is   to   distribute   money,   are   clearly  given, 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  201 

together  with  instructions  covering  his  pohtcal  attitude  and  diplo- 
matic relations  toward  the  French  government. 

O'Mahony's  hope  that  the  contemplated  raid  on  Canada 
might  involve  England  in  war  with  the  United  States  is  freely 
expressed,  and  Mitchel's  personal  services  are  to  be  paid  for  at 
the  rate  of  $2,500  per  year. 

The  letter  consists  of  four  quarto  pages  closely  written  and 
unsigned.  There  are  several  corrections  and  interlineations, 
and  it  is  probable  there  was  another  page,  which  is  missing. 


HEADQUARTERS  FENIAN  BROTHERHOOD, 

22  Duane  Street,  New  York  City. 
(Box  3821,  P.  0.)  November  10,  1865. 

My  Dear  Mitchel: — As  has  been  already  explained  to  you, 
the  immediate  object  of  your  mission  to  Paris  is  to  take  charge 
of  the  financial  deposits  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  and  to  see 
that  they  be  honestly  and  fairly  disbursed  in  favor  of  the 
I.  R.  B. 

It  is  the  intention  of  the  F.  B.  that  all  moneys  which  may 
be  intrusted  to  you  shall  be  paid  out  from  time  to  time  to  the 
order  of  James  Stephens  in  such  sums  as  he  may  require  for 
the  purpose  of  conducting  the  home  organization.  However, 
a,3  in  his  present  position  it  may  be  impossible  for  Mr. 
Stephens  to  give  his  receipts  in  his  own  handwriting  for  these 
sums,  it  will  be  sufficient  for  you  to  get  such  receipts  from 
agents  duly  accredited  by  him.  Should  you  not  deem  these 
sufficient  safeguards  against  further  contingencies,  the  pay- 
ments made  by  you  to  the  agents  of  Mr.  Stephens  can  be  cer- 
tified to  by  J.  P.  Leonard  or  by  George  Doherty.  Messrs. 
Leonard  &  Doherty  already  know  one  of  those  agents.  Dr.  Ed- 
mund O'Leary,  who  w^as  to  have  taken  to  Ireland  the  last  sum 
remitted  home  (£6,000  sterling).  You  will  also  find  before 
you  in  Paris  Dr.  David  Bell,  lately  one  of  the  members  of  the 
Council  of  the  I.  R.  B.  His  address  is  Hotel  de  Lesieux,  No. 
2  Passage  Tivoli.  He  will  inform  you  of  the  address  of  other 
parties  at  home  with  whom  you  may  enter  into  relations — 
Gen.  G.  F.  Millen,  Col.  Wm.  G.  Halpin  and  Capt.  Thos.  Kelly, 
all  of  whom  are  nov/  in  Ireland.  The  chief  point  is  to  keep  a 
constant  and  ample  supply  of  money  to  the  men  working  the 
revolutionary  organization  of  Ireland.  The  betetr  to  insure 
this  I  shall,  if  possible,  send  with  a  tried  and  trusty  man,  who 
will  open  a  certain  mode  of  communication  between  you  and 
them. 

You  will  also  have  to  disburse  money  for  the  legal  defense 
of  the  parties  now  in  prison  for  revolutionary  conspiracy  In 
this  case  it  will  not  be  necessary  for  you  to  communicate  with 
M".  Stephens,  but  you  can  furnish  whatever  sums  may  be 
needed  through  their  law  agents  or  other  parties  publicly, 
recognized  as  authorized  to  receive  money  on  behalf  of  the 
prisoners. 


202 


APPENDIX    TO 


Should  Mr.  Stephans  be  arrested  by  the  time  you  reach  Paris 
then  advise  with  Col.  Halpin,  Capt.  Kelly  and  Gen.  Millen — 
James  Cantwell  can  put  you  into  communication  with  these  if 
no  other  way  presents  itself. 

These  are  your  duties  for  the  present  as  financial  represen- 
tative of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood.  Your  diplomatic  duties  with 
the  French  or  other  European  governments  are  left  to  your 
own  judgment.  You  have  in  this  respect  a  carte  blanche.  I 
know  that  you  will  let  no  opportunity  be  lost  in  advancing 
the  interests  of  Ireland  and  injuring  those  of  her  tyrant.   The 


JOHN    MITCHEL. 


practicability  of  our  invasion  of  Ireland  from  America  must 
also  claim  your  most  anxious  attention.  Reliable  informa- 
tion must  be  sought  by  you  and  conveyed  to  me  of  the  amount 
of  land  and  marine  force  of  our  enemies  available  for  the  de- 
fense of  their  domination  in  Ireland. 

The  possibility  of  procuring  any  quantity  of  arms  and  mu- 
nitions of  war  in  France  previous  or  during  our  Irish  insur- 
rection is  a  thing  most  useful  to  be  well  informed  on.  Leon- 
ard can  find  out  parties  who  may  be  able  to  give  you  informa- 
tion on  this  subject. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  203 

I  think  I  have  now  set  down  all  that  is  required  with  re- 
spect to  your  mission.  Before  concluding,  however,  I  wish  to 
repeat  what  I  have  often  stated  to  you  before,  that  I  consider 
a  revolutionary  organization  in  Ireland  to  be  absolutely  es- 
sential to  her  liberation.  It  is  the  first  grand  requisite  of 
success.  Without  it  even  an  American  or  a  French  war  might 
fail  to  free  her.  With  a  strong  home  organization  even  our 
contemplated  raid  upon  Canada,  followed  up  by  the  landing  of 
a  few  thousand  filibusters  with  arms,  munitions,  etc.,  might 
effect  all  that  we  desire.  To  keep  up  the  home  organization 
must  then  be  our  chiefest  and  greatest  care.  The  supplies  of 
money  for  that  purpose  should  be  ample  and  unfailing  even 
though  some  of  our  remittances  should  run  the  risk  of  going 
astray.  The  Canadian  raid  I  look  upon  as  a  mere  diversion, 
as  far  as  regards  our  present  action.  Unless  it  drag  the  U.  S. 
into  war  with  England  it  can  only  end  in  defeat  to  those  that 
engage  in  it.  But  it  is  worth  trying  in  the  hope  that  it  may 
lead  to  such  a  war.  The  money  yon.  now  take  with  you  shall 
be  followed  up  closely  by  other  and  larger  sums,  all  "of  which 
you  will  lodge  to  your  own  credit  as  soon  as  received  in  some 
Parisian  bank  to  be  drawn  upon  by  you  at  the  requisition  of  the 
C.  E.  I.  R. 

Fcr  your  personal  services  you  will  receive  the  sum  of  $2,500 
in  gold  per  annum,  payable  quarterly  in  advance  from  these 
headquarters. 


XXIII 

This  letter  contains  a  report  of  the  arrest  of  James  Stephens, 
C.  E..  and  gives  a  description  of  conditions  as  they  existed  in 
Dublin  at  that  time,  together  with  recommendations  regarding 
what  should  be  done  in  the  near  future.  The  letter  is  in  the 
handwriting  of  General  Wm.  Halpin  and  is  signed  "Bird,"  one 
of  the  assumed  names  under  which  he  corresponded  with 
O'Mahony. 


Dublin,  14th  November,  1865. 
Col.  John  O'Mahony,  H.  C.  F.  B.,  New  York: 

My  Dear  Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  report  what  will  doubtless 
seem  to  you  and  our  friends  a  great  calamity,  namely,  the 
arrest  of  the  C.  E.  and  three  others  of  the  Council.  This  was 
affected  on  Saturday  morning  at  5  A.  M.  It  is  needless  to 
write  as  to  the  circumstances  of  those  arrests,  as  the  papers 
will  convey  to  you  all  the  information  on  that  head.  The 
arrest  of  the  C.  E.  has  no  other  effect  on  the  organization  than 
a  temporary  depression  on  the  public  mind.  This,  however, 
will  be  remedied  at  once  through  the  instrumentality  of  agents 
sent  out  to  allay  all  fears  on  that  account.  Soon  after  the  ar- 
rests, the  Military  Council  called  a  meeting  of  all  the  Dublin 
Centres,  when  a  temporary  C.  E.  was  appointed.     His  letter 


204  APPENDIX    TO 

by  the  bearer,  will  acquaint  you  of  all  that  has  happened.  It 
is  most  important  that  frequent  communication  and  a  thoV- 
ough  understanding  be  kept  up  between  the  C.  C.  and  Head 
Quarters  here.  The  crisis  is  upon  us  and  prompt  action  is 
absolutely  necessary.  The  men  at  the  head  of  affairs  through- 
out the  Country  are  strictly  obedient,  yet  it  is  feared  that 
nothing  can  keep  the  people  down  after  this  year.  I  would, 
therefore,  beg  that  every  effort  be  -made  to  meet  the  con- 
tingency as  soon  as  possible.  Of  course  we  will  do  all  in  our 
power  to  stay  proceedings  until  you  are  ready  to  assist.  I  shall 
not  enter  further  into  details  as  the  temporary  C.  E.  will  give 
you  all  the  facts  in  the  case. 

I  may  add  that  strong  hopes  are  entertained  that  the  C.  E. 
will  be  at  liberty  before  the  end  of  the  week,  arrangements  are 
being  made  to  effect  that  purpose  which  I  think,  from  the 
lights  before  me,  cannot  fail  to  be  successful.  I  would  most 
respectfully  urge  again  that  a  Paymaster  be  appointed  to  pay 
the  American  officers  at  stated  periods.  Much  trouble  would 
be  avoided  and  much  dissatisfaction  prevented  by  this  course. 
A  full  list  of  all  men  sent  over  should  be  furnished  by  the 
Adjutant  General,  with  the  rank  of  each,  the  amount  furnished 
at  starting  and  the  date  of  commencement.  This  is  necessary, 
for  the  reason  that  several  officers  have  not  reported  to  Head 
Quarters,  in  consequence  of  the  arrests  being  continually  made, 
and  the  fact  that  parties  are  constantly  applying  for  funds 
of  whom  nothing  is  known  here.  I  believe  that  I  stated  in 
my  last  that  I  exhausted  all  my  funds  on  parties  who  had  run 
out.  Kelly  is  in  a  similar  fix  for  the  reasons  I  stated  before. 
I  wish  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  there  is  no  dispiriting 
influence  in  consequence  of  the  state  of  affairs  here.  All  are 
buoyant  and  anxious  for  the  word.  Permit  me  to  suggest  that 
some  General  officers  of  ability  should  be  sent  over  at  once, 
particularly  the  Commander-in-Chief,  so  that  be  might  become 
acquainted  with  the  Country  in  time  to  manage  the  forces 
intelligently  when  the  hour  of  action  arrives.  Perhaps  you 
have  the  ideas  of  the  C.  E.  on  this  head,  yet  I  venture  to  make 
the  suggestion  on  my  own  account,  believing  as  I  do,  that  such 
a  course  would  be  conducive  to  the  better  understanding  of 
all  parties  on  this  side. 

I  have  seen  several  of  the  principal  men  from  the  country 
and  they  say  that  a  landing  from  your  side  is  confidently  ex- 
pected. I  am  certain  that  a  force,  however  small,  would  have 
a  great  effect  on  the  country,  give  confidence  to  the  people  and 
encourage  the  troops  at  the  start.  All  will  depend  on  the  first 
effort — that  successful  the  sun  of  Independence  will  never  set 
on  our  Island  again.  The  spirit  of  the  people  is  admirable, 
their  discipline  and  prompt  obedience  to  all  orders  is,  to  my 
mind,  the  best  evidence  of  success.  There  is  no  jealousy,  no 
wrangling  as  in  former  days.  Every  man  considers  himself  a 
soldier  bound  to  obey  as  his  first  duty. 

The  trials  will  commence  on  the  27th  inst.,  and,  no  doubt, 
packed  juries  will  be  got  by  the  Government  to  do  the  work. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  205 

Every  effort  should  be  made  to  be  prepared  for  that  event. 
The  red  coats  are  being  worked  to  perfection  but  I  had  better 
not  say  much  on  that  subject.  Some  of  the  speeches  made  on 
your  side  have  given  much  offence  and  done  much  harm.  Can 
they  not  be  avoided  in  the  future.  All  the  American  otiicers 
who  have  been  arrested  have  preferred  claims  through  the 
U.  S.  Consul  at  this  Port.  An  outcry  should  be  raised  over 
there  on  that  subject,  indignation  meeting  held  and  the  Gov- 
ernment urged  Lo  take  the  matter  up.  One  such  arrest  of  an 
English  subject  abroad,  would  be  a  Casus  belli  at  once.  Cap- 
tain Rodgers  and  Lieutenant  McNeff  were  kept  breaking  stones 
without  any  trial.  Rodgers  has  been  discharged  uncondition- 
ally. McNeff  is  yet  in  Limbo.  Fanning  has  just  been  re- 
leased on  bail. 

Lt.  Col.  Leonard  is  also  out  unconditionally  after  spending 
20  days  in  solitary  confinement  in  Ardee  jail.  Every  effort 
should  be  made  to  induce  the  U.  S.  Government  to  assume  the 
offensive  in  relation  to  these  arrests.  A  r-imple  declaration  oZ 
War  by  the  U.  S.  against  England  would  make  Ireland  free. 
John  Bull  is  trembling  lest  such  a  state  of  affairs  would  re- 
sult from  his  perfidy. 

With  my  kindest  regards  to  yourself  and  ths  members  of  the 
C.  C,  etc.,  etc.,  I  am,  my  dear  sir. 

Yours  in  fraternity, 

"BIRD." 

Note. — "Bird"  was  the  assumed  name  used  by  General  Wm. 
G.  Halpin. 


XXIV 
(Printed  Circular.) 


War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant  General's  Office, 
New  York,  November  20,  1865. 

General  Orders,  No.  2. 

To  avoid  all  misunderstanding,  and  to  insure  the  immediate 
and  energetic  action  which  the  necessities  of  the  situation 
demand,  the  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B.,  issues  the  following 
instructions  for  the  direction  and  government  of  the  military 
organization  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood: 

I.  Each  Centre  of  Circle  will  forward  to  this  Department 
on  the  10th,  20th  and  last  day  of  every  month  a  roll  of  fighting 
men  ready  at  a  week's  notice  to  take  the  field  for  the  cause  of 
Ireland. 

II.  In  every  Circle  of  the  F.  3.  drills  will  be  at  once  com- 
menced, in  the  school  of  the  soldier,  of  the  company  and — 
where  possible — of  the  battalion.  Volunteers  will  be  divided 
into   two   classes,   tc   bs   drilled   separately— 1st,   veterans;    2d, 


2o6  APPENDIX    TO 

recruits,  who  will  be  incorporated  with  the  veterans  so  soon  as 
they  shall  have  acquired  sufRcient  proficiency  in  the  school 
of  the  soldier, 

III.  On  the  muster  rolls  will  be  noted  the  number  of  arms 
and  accoutrements,  with  their  calibre  and  description.  Where 
arms  are  in  the  possession  of  volunteers,  or  are  at  the  disposal 
of  Circles,  they  will  be  credited  to  them  and  paid  for  by  this 
Department  in  event  of  success.  But  it  is  expressly  stated  that 
muskets  will  be  furnished  by  this  Department  in  all  cases 
where  men  are  unable  to  procure  their  own.  It  is  the  wish 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  that  each  and  every  patriot  should 
share  in  the  glory  of  the  approaching  struggle  for  freedom; 
his  inability  to  procure  an  outfit  must  deter  no  one, 

IV.  The  Inspector  General,  F.  B.,  will  confer  with  the  differ- 
ent State  Centres  in  the  selection  of  suitable  officers  for  nom- 
ination to  the  appointment  of  State  Assistant  Inspectors  Gen- 
eral; he  will  at  once  place  them  on  duty  and  forward  their 
names  for  confirmation  to  this  Department.  The  Inspector 
General  has  no  authority  to  give  orders  to  State  Centres,  or 
Centres  of  Circles,  but  will  simply  advise  and  co-operate  with 
them  in  matters  pertaining  to  military  duties.  He  may,  how- 
ever, order  and  direct  military  organizations  when  formed, 
or  while  in  course  of  formation,  on  all  matters  pertaining  to 
their  military  duties. 

V.  The  duties  of  the  State  Assistant  Inspector  General  will 
be:  1st.  To  superintend  and  promote,  to  the  best  of  his  ability, 
the  immediate  preparation  of  men  for  active  service;  he  will 
select  suitable  officers,  to  whom,  on  his  recommendation,  au- 
thority will  be  given  by  the  War  Department  to  recruit  regi- 
ments or  companies,  and  who  will  be  commissioned  accord- 
ingly, subject  to  the  rules  and  regulations  of  this  Department. 
2d.  He  will  report  immediately  to  the  Board  of  Military  Ex- 
amination, through  these  Headquarters,  the  names  of  all 
officers  who  are  applicants  for  commissions  in  the  F.  B.,  with 
such  indorsements  as  an  examination  into  their  military  his- 
tory, qualifications  and  recommendations  will  justify,  stating 
at  what  time  they  will  be  prepared  to  appear  before  the 
Board  for  examination,  and,  if  commissioned,  be  ready  for 
active  service.  He  will  also  report  the  names  with  indorse- 
ments, as  above,  of  those  who  have  not  been  commissioned 
in  any  former  service,  and  who  make  application  to  come 
before  the  Board  for  examination,  should  he  deem  the  appli- 
cant fit,  on  investigation.  3d.  He  will  inspect  the  arms  of 
each  Circle  or  military  organization  in  the  State,  and  report 
their  condition  and  calibre  to  this  Department. 

VI.  Courtesy  and  affability  is  especially  enjoined  on  each 
and  every  officer  of  this  Department  in  all  his  intercourse  and 
dealings  with  the  members  of  the  Brotherhood. 

VII.  Copies  of  this  order  will  be  given  to  each  State  Centre, 
and  by  him  transmitted  to  the  various  Circles  throughout  his 
State.    Each  State  Centre  is  requested  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  207 

F.  B.,  to  address  all  complaints  against  military  oflicers  of  the 
Brotherhood  directly  to  this  Department  Headquarters. 

Strict  secrecy  is  enjoined  in  the  promulgation  of  this  order 
among  the  several  Circles. 
By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B., 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 
Brig.  Gen.  and  A.  G.,  F.  B., 

Box  3821,  N.  Y.  P.  O. 


XXV 

War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant  General's  Office, 
New  York,  24  November,   1865. 

Special  Orders,  No.  13. 

Col.  P.  F.  Walsh,  Inspector  General,  F.  B,,  will  proceed 
without  delay  on  a  tour  of  inspection  throughout  the  Circles 
of  the  F.  B.  established  in  the  different  States.  He  will  take 
for  his  guidance  General  Orders,  No.  2,  A.  G.  O.,  Nov.  20,  1865, 
in  all  matters  relating  to  the  military  organization  of  the  F.  B., 
adding  such  instructions  as  the  particular  circumstances  of 
each  individual  case  may  in  his  opinion  demand.  He  will 
endeavor  to  impress  upon  all  the  well-wishers  of  the  cause 
of  Ireland  the  necessity  for  prompt  and  energetic  action,  and 
will  pay  close  attention  to  the  drill,  particularly  in  the  manual 
of  arms.  The  simplest  movements,  comprising  the  formation 
of  lines  from  columns  and  columns  from  lines,  the  loading  and 
firing  by  company,  by  battalion  and  by  file  are  all  that  will  be 
required  for  our  first  battles. 

By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B., 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 

Brig.  Gen  and  Adj.  Gen.,  F.  B. 

Official, 

EUGENE  J.  COURTNEY, 

Major  and  A.  A.  Gen.,  F.  B. 


XXVI 

This  important  and  historic  letter,  appointing  John  O'Mahony 
Chief  Agent  and  Representative  of  the  Irish  Republic  in 
America,  was  written  by  James  Stephens  in  1865,  after  his 
escape  from  Richmond  prison. 


IRISH  REPUBLIC. 

To  the  Members  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood,  and  the  friends 
of  Ireland  generally  in  the  U.  S.  of  America,  Canada,  etc. 

Dublin,  December  23.  1865. 
Countrymen  and  Friends:  Aware  that  certain  members  of  the 
Fenian  Brotherhood,  and  notoriously  the  "Senate"  of  that  as- 


2o8  APPENDIX    TO 

sociation,  have,  madly  and  traitoriously  moved  to  a  mad  and 
traitorous  end.  raise  tiie  cry  of  "to  Canada!"  instead  of  the  cry 
of  "to  Ireland!"  and  aware  that  John  O'Mahony.  Ivnown  as 
Head  Centre  and  President  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood,  has 
wisely  and  firmly,  as  in  duty  bound,  opposed  this  mad  and 
traitorous  diversion  from  the  ri2,ht  path — the  only  path  that 
could  possibly  save  our  country  and  our  race.  I  in  consequence 
hereby  appoint  the  said  John  O'Mahony  Representative  and 
Financial  Agent  of  the  Irish  Republic  in  the  United  States  of 
America,  Canada,  etc.,  with  ample  and  unquestionable  au- 
thority to  enroll  men.  raise  money,  and  fit  out  an  expedition 
to  sail  for  Ireland  and  reach  Ireland  on  the  earliest  possi- 
ble day,  and  in  all  other  ways  in  which,  to  the  best  of  his 
judgment,  he  can  serve  Ireland — that  land  to  which  he  has 
devoted  life  and   honor — I   hereby  authorize  and   call   on   him 

JA^IES  STEPHENS. 

C.  E.   I.  R. 


XXVII 
ESCAPE  OF  JAMES  STEPHENS. 

The  story  of  Stephens's  escape  might  well  have  thrilled  the 
Irish  people  at  the  time.  To-day  it  reads  like  a  romance.  His 
escape  from  Richmond  Prison  was  startling  enough,  but  that 
for  four  months  he  should  have  lived  in  Ireland,  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  large  numbers  of  the  people,  and  with  a  heavy  price 
upon  his  head,  and  that  finally  he  should  have  got  clear  off, 
despite  all  the  detective  machinery  of  the  British  Government, 
is  still  more  wonderful.  The  dead  walls  of  every  Irish  city  and 
town  were  placarded  with  alluring  offers;  £2,000  was  the  price 
offered  for  the  capture  of  Stephens.  For  private  information 
leading  to  his  arrest  £1,000  might  be  had  for  the  asking.  But 
all  in  vain;  and  so  in  the  early  morning  of  March  14,  1866, 
James  Stephens,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Thomas  Kelly  and 
John  Flood,  sailed  from  Dublin  with  Captain  Nicholas  Weldon 
on  board  a  little  collier,  the  Concord. 

Captain  Weldon  was  a  native  of  Baldoyle  and  a  close  friend 
from  boyhood  of  John  Flood,  a  leading  Fenian,  who  arranged 
with  him  to  convev  Stephens  and  Kelly  to  some  port  in  France. 
The  facts  of  that  historic  voyage  are  gleaned  from  an  account 
which  Captain  Weldon  himself  gave  some  years  ago.  The  Cap- 
tain says: 

"My  narrative  begins  with  the  early  days  of  March.  1866, 
when  with  John  Flood,  an  old  friend  and  townsman  and  as  fine 
a  specimen  of  Irish  m-^nhood  as  need  be  seen,  and  his  friend, 
Colonel  Kelly,  with  whom  I  had  no  previous  acquaintance,  I 
mad'^  ar-aneements  to  take  Stephens  and  themselves  to  a  port 
in  the  north  of  France.  For  the  benefit  of  those  who  may  not 
have  a  clear  recollection  of  those  stirring  times,  I  may  mention 
that  at  the  period  of  which  I  am  giving  an  account  the  wholf 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  209 

available  forces  of  the  Crown  of  those  islands  was  concentrated 
upon  one  object — and  that  object  the  recapture  of  the  redoubt- 
able James  Stephens,  added  to  which  there  was  a  reward  of 
£2,000  upon  his  head.  So  that  the  taking  of  his  body  alive  out 
of  Ireland  was  a  task  of  no  small  magnitude,  more  especially 
as  the  whole  line  of  quays,  north  and  south,  was  placarded  with 
^;he  tempting  fortune  of  £2,000  to  any  person  who  would  give 
such  information  as  would  lead  to  his  capture;  hence  the 
sailors  who  manned  the  vessels  that  left  the  port  were — and 
not  unnaturally — on  the  alert  as  to  strangers  taking  passage  in 
any  of  the  coasting  colliers.  That  being  the  description  of 
craft  which  I  owned  and  commanded  at  the  time,  the  good  brig- 
antine  Concord,  I  may  here  state  that  the  usual  number  of  my 
crew  was  six  men  and  a  boy,  and  in  consequence  of  the  number 
of  those  coming,  to  avoid  suspicion,  I  discharged  a  correspond- 
ing number  of  my  men,  including  my  mate,  which  left  me  but 
two  men  and  the  boy,  and,  nautically  speaking,  the  three 
duffers. 

"Now,  it  is  a  notorious  fact,  that  at  this  time  there  were  two 
revenue  cutters,  one  at  each  side  of  Poolbeg,  to  board  any  sus- 
picious craft  outward  bound.  For  eight  or  nine  days  after  our 
arrangement  we  were  detained  in  the  Liffey  waiting  for  a 
start  of  wind,  and  making  whatever  preparation  we  could  for 
our  perilous  voyage.  An  additional  filip  was  given  to  my 
anxiety  on  March  11  by  a  pilot,  who  had  a  vessel  out  of  port 
that  day,  and  who  told  me  he  was  obliged  to  heave  the  ship 
to  in  the  bay,  when  a  search  of  over  an  hour  was  made,  and 
not  an  inch  of  the  ship  but  was  overhauled,  and  every  man  on 
board  questioned. 

"After  hearing  this  cheering  news  from  the  pilot,  who  little 
thought  what  an  interest  I  had  in  his  yarn,  I  retired  to  my 
cabin  to  think.  I  leave  my  readers  to  imagine  what  my 
thoughts  were,  if  they  are  so  minded.  On  the  twelfth  I  had  my 
vessel  hauled  out  in  the  river,  ready  to  start,  and  at  9  o'clock 
p.  m.,  on  Tuesday,  the  thirteenth  inst.,  I  was  at  the  landing 
steps  opposite  Boyd's  Chemical  Works  by  appointment,  when 
my  three  adventurers  stepped  into  my  boat,  and  I  sculled  them 
on  board  as  quickly  as  possible.  We  cast  off  our  moorings,  and 
had  the  vessel  hauled  over  to  the  north  side  of  the  river  to 
make  sail  with  the  wind  N.  E. — Kelly,  Flood  and  Stephens 
working  manfully  at  the  winch. 

"As  may  be  imagined,  we  had  considerable  delay  owing  to  the 
want  of  nautical  skill  of  my  three  new  sailors,  and  it  was 
1.30  of  the  fourteenth  when  we  hailed  the  revenue  boat  to  know 
the  time.  At  first  we  feared  she  would  board  us,  but  she  passed 
up  the  river,  merely  asking  what  ship.  I  answered  the  Concord, 
of  Dublin,  for  Cardiff.  We  then  had  to  run  the  gauntlet  of  the 
two  revenue  cruisers  in  the  bay,  but  we  sailed  gaily  out  inno- 
cently between  them  without  notice,  shaped  a  southerly  course, 
passed  the  Mugglins  closely,  soon  after  Bray  Head  which 
showed  remarkably  beautiful  in  the  bright  moonlight.  At  this 
time  we  were  going  free  with  every  stitch  we  could  carry  with 


210  APPENDIX    TO 

a  spanking  N.  E.  breeze.  By  daylight  we  were  off  Wicklow 
Head,  when  the  wind  gradually  died  away  and  changed  to 
S.  E.,  which  directly  headed  us  on  the  course  we  were  sailing, 
and  as  we  were  keeping  close  to  the  land  so  as  to  get  all  the 
advantage  we  could  of  the  ebb  tide,  which  had  still  about  two 
hours  to  run,  we  were  unpleasantly  close  to  a  very  nasty  lee 
shore.  However,  we  beat  up  as  far  as  Arklow  Bay,  where  we 
put  in  to  avoid  the  flowing  tide. 

"About  midday,  the  wind  increasing,  I  saw  we  were  going  to 
have  a  very  bad  night,  as  there  were  all  the  indications  of  a 
storm  from  the  south.  My  position  was  now  truly  one  of 
anxiety — the  prospect  of  a  gale  right  in  our  teeth,  a  dangerous 
shore  under  our  lee,  and  two  revenue  cruisers  in  the  Bay  of 
Dublin  on  the  lookout.  About  2  o'clock  p.  m.  I  hastily  con- 
sulted with  my  passengers  as  to  the  desirability  of  putting  down 
our  helm  and  running  for  a  port  in  Scotland.  After  a  time 
they  agreed,  and  down  went  the  helm,  and  we  squared  away 
to  the  northward,  avoiding  Dublin  Bay  by  running  over  the 
Kish  Bank,  which  in  itself  was  no  small  risk,  as  a  smart  breeze 
v/as  blowing  and  a  rough  see  running,  and  slow-sailing  craft  as 
we  were,  we  were  going  seven  knots  through  the  water,  the 
wind  still  increasing.  I  was  now  making  for  mid-channel,  as  it 
was  not  prudent  to  keep  too  near  the  Irish  land;  also  there 
was  every  likelihood  of  the  wind  becoming  more  easterly, 
which  turned  out  so. 

"It  was  now  blowing  half  a  gale,  but  I  carried  every  stitch 
until  10  o'clock  p.  m.,  when  we  took  in  all  our  light-flyers  which 
was  most  fortunate,  as  about  11  o'clock  p.  m.  we  were  struck 
with  a  very  heavy  squall,  which,  tidy  as  we  were,  almost  threw 
her  on  her  beam  enda.  We  had  to  let  go  everything  and  run 
dead  before  the  wind  until  we  got  her  under  double-reefed  can- 
vas and  small  head-sail,  which  was  the  very  most  she  could 
carry,  and  with  that  she  labored  and  strained  all  night  in  a 
heavy  seaway  close  hauled,  the  wind  having  gone  considerably 
eastward  and  increased  to  a  gale.  At  dawn  we  sighted  the  Isle 
of  Man  on  our  weather  beam.  How  to  get  around  the  South 
Light  was  the  next  problem,  and  a  difficult  one,  too.  I  could 
run  for  Strangford  Lough  with  ease;  but  if  I  did  the  probabili- 
ties v/ere  strongly  in  favor  of  my  being  boarded  and  the  game 
ended;  so  I  clapped  on  sail  until  we  could  hardly  stand  on  deck, 
our  lee  rail  being  almost  in  the  water. 

"I  may  mention  that  a  sunken  reef  runs  out  from  this  island 
or  rock  for  about  two  miles,  and  its  termination  was  at  that 
time  marked  by  a  buoy,  but  there  is  a  lightship  there  now. 
This  was  the  object  I  dreaded;  but  with  the  aid  of  the  flowing 
tide  and  the  heavy  press  of  sail  we  were  carrying  I  had  great 
hopes  of  weathering  it.  It  was  a  narrow  shave,  as  in  passing 
I  could  easily  hit  the  buoy  with  a  biscuit.  Shortly  after  passing 
this  danger  a  steamer  hove  in  sight,  and  so  overstrained  were 
my  nerves  that  I  took  her  for  a  gunboat.  This  is  not  much  to 
be  wondered  at,  as  the  nature  of  my  charge,  the  length  of  time 
I  stood  at  the  vessel's  wheel — almost  since  we  left  the  Liffey — 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  211 

and  the  very  disagreeable  change  in  the  weather,  had  their 
effect,  and  almost  knocked  me  off  my  head.  Flood,  Kelly  and 
Stephens,  each  provided  with  a  brace  of  six-chambered  revol- 
vers, and  setting  their  teeth,  resolved  not  to  be  taken  alive. 
This  warlike  preparation  was,  I  was  thankful  to  learn  from  one 
of  my  own  men,  rendered  unnecessary,  as  the  steamer  turned 
out  to  be  the  Derry  boat. 

"At  2  o'clock  p.  m.  on  the  fifteenth  of  March,  we  were  again 
obliged  to  up  helm  and  run  for  the  Lough  through  the  narrow 
Sound  of  Donaghadee  into  the  Lough,  where  I  let  go  my  anchor 
right  opposite  the  coast-guard  station  in  Whitehouse  Roads  as 
dusk  v/as  setting  in.  At  5  o'clock  next  morning  (March  16), 
weighed  anchor  with  a  fair  wind  and  stood  down  the  Lough, 
but  had  only  got  as  far  as  Copeland  Islands  when  the  standard 
of  the  wheel  broke,  and  the  vessel's  head  came  round  and 
faced  up  the  Lough  again.  This  caused  considerable  delay,  as 
tackle  had  to  be  rigged  as  temporary  steering  gear, 

"We  again  got  her  before  the  wind,  a  good  strong  breeze 
S.  S.  E.  blowing  at  the  time,  and  shaped  a  course  for  Irvine, 
which,  however,  we  were  unalDle  to  reach,  for  as  we  stood  more 
easterly  the  wind  headed  us  again,  and  I  decided  to  make 
Ardrossan,  which  we  reached  about  8  o'clock  p.  m.,  and  run 
the  vessel  hard  and  fast  on  the  ground  in  the  old  harbor. 
Watching  a  proper  opportunity  I  launched  my  small  boat,  got 
my  three  passengers  and  self  into  her,  and  sculled  them  to 
the  beach  opposite  the  Eglinton  Hotel,  which  was  the  deepest 
water,  but  as  the  boat  was  still  some  distance  from  the  beach 
I  had  to  jump  into  the  water  knee-deep  and  carry  them  one  by 
one  on  shore,  where  our  leave-taking  was  very  short — merely  a 
fervent  shake  of  the  hand  on  my  part,  a  wish  for  their  safe 
departure  from  the  kingdom;  and  on  theirs,  a  profound  expres- 
sion of  gratitude,  and  that  was  the  last  I  saw  of  the  gallant 
old  chief  and  his  intrepid  companions,  one  of  whom  was  a 
dear  personal  friend  of  my  own." 

Captain  Weldon  died  on  January  5,  1905.  at  his  residence,  2 
Marino  terrace,  Malahide  road,  Dublin,  in  his  sixty-ninth  year, 
Ke  was  in  his  thirtieth  year  at  the  time  of  his  famous  exploit. 
The  l€)ve  of  daring  adventures  in  the  cause  of  fatherland  seems 
to  have  been  a  hereditary  instinct  with  him,  for  it  was  his 
grandfather  who  smuggled  Hamilton  Rowan  away  to  France 
from  Howth. 


212  APPENDIX    TO 

XXVIII 

(Printed  Circular.) 

War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant   General's    Office, 
New  York,  January  4,  1866. 
The  following  officers  have  been  appointed   by  me  to  serve 
on  the  General  Staff  or  as  Inspectors  General  in  the  various 
States: 

C.  Carroll  Tevis,  Adjutant  General  with   rank  of  Brigadier 
General. 

John  Mechan,  Colonel  and  Chief  Engineer. 

P.  F.  Walsh,  Colonel  and  Inspector  General. 

S.  R.  Tresilian,  Major  and  Assistant  Engineer. 

Eugene  J.  Courtney,  Major  and  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

William  M.  O'Reilly,  Captain  of  Ordnance. 

D.  W.  Greany,  Clerk  in  War  Department. 

List   of  Insnectors   General. 

Major  John  Delahunt,  State  of  Wisconsin. 

Gen.  Thos.  Curry,  State  of  Missouri. 

Col.  Albert  P.  Morrow,  State  of  Pennsylvania. 

Capt.  Maurice  J.  McGrath,  State  of  Illinois. 

Major  P.  Phelan,  Department  of  Manhattan. 

George   O'Neil,    State   of   Delaware. 

Col.  James  Doyle,  State  of  New  York. 

John  F.  Scanlou,  Department  of  Chicago. 

Lieut.  Col.  John  G.  Healy,  State  of  Connecticut. 

Capt.  Timothy  O'Connor,  Department  of  Shawmut. 

Capt.  John  H.  Daly,  State  of  Michigan. 

Capt.  Andrew  Mahony,  State  of  Florida. 

Col.  John  Balfe,  State  of  Indiana. 

Capt.  T.  R.  Bourke,  State  of  Massachusetts. 

(Signed)     T.  W.   SWEENY, 

Sec.   of  War,   F.   B. 


XXIX 

This  letter  was  written  to  General  Halpin  in  New  York  in 
1866  by  Capt.  Larry  O'Brien,  then  in  Paris.  Capt.  O'Brien  is 
at  present  living  in  New  Haven,  Conn. 


Paris,  January  17,  1866. 
Col.  W.  J.  Halpin: 

Dear  Sir:  I  have  been  in  Paris  since  the  day  after  you  left 
Dublin.  A  friend  of  yours,  Mr.  Nicholson  Walshingham,  is  now 
one  week  here  with  me.  You  know  him,  he  is  an  artist.  He 
desires  to  be  remembered  to  you  all.  Our  friends  in  Dublin  are 
in  favor  of  Col.  O'Mahony.  Mr.  W.  desires  me  to  tell  you  so. 
There  is  here  a  young  man  the  name  of  Graney.     He  is  from 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  213 

Philadelphia.  He  states  that  he  was  sent  here  by  the  new 
Senate  to  see  Stephens  and  have  him  go  to  America.  He  says 
that  the  reason  he  did  not  bring  any  letters  of  explanation  or 
recommendation  was  because  P.  J.  Meehan  told  him  that  he 
would  not  need  them,  as  he,  Meehan,  would  write  to  Mitchell 
and  it  would  be  all  right,  and  Mitchell  would  recognize  him, 
but  when  Mitchell  saw  him  he  would  not  have  anything  to  do 
with  him.  He  was  very  bitter  against  Col.  O'Mahony,  but  he 
has  moderated  very  much  and,  in  fact,  he  has  not  one  word  to 
say  in  favor  of  the  Senate. 

Is  it  not  too  bad  that  they  do  not  send  the  money,  and  it 
rieeded  so  much?  I  am  a  witness  to  the  proper  outlay  of  the 
last  amount.  I  have  resided  here  since  Dec.  14th  and  will 
continue  to  do  so  for  another  week  or  so.  I  am  the  agent  of 
the  Irish  firm.  I  purchase  silk  very  cheap  and  have  no  trouble 
in  sending  them  by  post.  Mr.  W.  desires  me  to  say  to  you  that 
he  has  been  pushing  up  to  one  of  the  Widows  while  you  are 
absent  and  expects  to  make  good  progress.  Every  friend  that 
comes  from  Ireland  swears  that  if  they  get  an  opportunity 
they  will  have  revenge  on  P.  J.  Meehan.  I  would  call  your 
attention  to  the  "Irish  American"  of  the  16th  Dec.  on  the  2nd 
page,  where  they  mention  about  a  draft  of  $60,000  as  if  the 
enemy  would  not  find  out  soon  enough.  Will  you  please  settle 
with  Col.  O'Mahony  about  the  checks  of  £19.10  which  was  of 
one  amount  1st  and  second  of  bill  of  exchange;  please  to  re- 
member me  to  Col.  O'Mahony.  1  have  full  faith  that  he  never 
will  do  wrong  and  his  action  will  be  a  great  benefit  to  us  and 
that  I  hope  before  many  months  pass  away  that  I  will  be  fight- 
ing under  him  defending  the  Green  banner  of  Ireland.  Hoping 
to  see  you  in  good  health,  I  have  the  honor  to  remain, 
Yours  respectfully  and  sincerely, 

L.    O'BKiJilN. 

P.  S. — Please  excuse  me  for  the  liberty  I  take  in  addressing 
you. 


XXX 

24  Rue  Lacepede,  Paris,  January  27,  1866. 

My  Dear  O'Mahony:— I  congratulate  you  on  having  got  rid 
of  the  title  of  president,  and  also  got  rid  of  the  constitution  and 
of  the  Senate.  I  saw  that  matters  were  coming  to  that  point 
and  that  there  would  be  infallibly  an  open  rupture.  I  have 
read  your  message  in  the  Daily  News  and  find  it  very  satis- 
factory. No  doubt  the  real  and  sincere  Irishmen  who  desire 
the  success  of  our  cause  will  rally  around  you,  and  probably 
the  organization  will  be  as  strong  as  ever. 

In  the  meantime  the  rupture  in  America  has  greatly  injured 
our  friends  in  Ireland,  who  were  expecting,  if  not  an  armed 
expedition,  at  least  large  supplies  of  money  to  purchase  war 
material.     I  told  them  immediately  on  coming  over  here  that 


214  APPENDIX    TO 

I  thought  they  need  not  expect  an  expeditionary  force,  which 
the  American  Government  would  never  allow  to  start,  the  two 
countries  being  at  peace.  I  did  not  conceal  my  own  strong 
conviction  that  an  insurrection  in  Ireland  without  such  aid 
from  America  must  fail.  But  J.  S.  is,  after  all,  the  best  judge 
of  the  exigencies  of  his  own  position,  and  you  need  not  be 
surprised  if  you  hear  any  day  that  a  decisive  movement  has 
been  made. 

I  have  written  twice  in  some  detail  to  you  since  coming  to 
Paris — once  under  cover  to  Mrs.  Doheny  in  Brooklyn,  and  once 
to  your  box  in  the  post  office.  The  second  letter  was  addressed 
on  the  outside  to  Mr.  Killian  and  contained  letters  for  him  and 
for  you.  I  hope  those  all  duly  arrived.  If  so  you  already 
know  the  situation  of  affairs  as  I  found  it,  and  also  the  rapid 
and  constant  demand  for  money.  The  sum  sent  out  with  me 
is  now  all  drawn  and  safely  sent  over,  except  about  £100,  which 
I  keep  still  in  the  bank  to  keep  the  account  open.  Our  friends 
in  Ireland  are  very  eager  to  hear  of  further  remittances  from 
your  side,  but  I  suppose  the  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  there 
may  have  prevented  that. 

My  constant  address  for  the  future  will  be  as  above:  24  Rue 
Lacepede,  where  I  shall  go  to  live  at  the  end  of  February,  and 
where  I  receive  letters  at  present.  Letters,  however,  addressed 
to  me  this  month  at  3  Rue  Richer  will  come  to  hand.  Address 
in  preference  to  Rue  Lacepede.     Very  truly  your  friend, 

J.  M.   (John  Mitchel.) 


XXXI 

Philadelphia,  January  28,  1866. 
Major  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec  of  War. 

General:  After  a  very  lengthy  interview  and  much  discus- 
sion with  Messrs.  Jenks  &  Mitchell,  yesterday,  I  have  ac- 
complished the  renewal  of  the  contract  until  the  28th  Febru- 
ary, that  is  thirty  (30)  days  from  the  date  of  expiration  of 
the  original  agreement.  Mr.  O'Rourke  could  give  me  but 
five  thousand  (5,000)  dollars  and  I  could  not  obtain  J.  &  M.'s 
consent  to  the  withdrawal  of  any  muskets  until  the  further 
payment  of  five  thousand  (5,000)  dollars,  when  it  is  stipulated 
I  shall  do  so.  It  is  also  understood  that  by  payments  of  install- 
ments we  may  at  any  time  take  away  the  articles  in  a  number 
proportionate  to  the  amounts  paid.  In  this  arrangement  I  was 
guided  by  the  advice  of  Senator  Meehan  in  the  absence  of 
Mr.  O'Sullivan. 

I  shall  inspect  to-morrow  a  large  quantity  of  artillery 
harness  to  be  sold  at  a  Government  sale  on  Tuesday, 
and  be  guided  in  my  action  by  the  quality  and  prices  of  the 
articles.  During  the  end  of  the  week  I  .have  opened  and 
answered  several  letters  to  yourself  and  Colonel  Roberts,  and 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  215 

Sent  to  the  press  several  sets  of  resolutions  passed  in  different 
circles,  endorsing  yourself  and  the  Senate.     I  regret  that  the 
correspondence  on  the  subject  of  the  arms  has  been  published; 
it  will  direct  the  attention  of   the  authorities  to  the  transac- 
tion.   Colonel  Roberts  assured  me  that  this  part  of  his  answer 
to  Killian  would  not  be  made  public,  and  I  presume  that  in  his 
absence  some  one  has  assumed  an  unauthorized  responsibility. 
Letters   from   Washington   and   Baltimore   strongly   urge   your 
visit  there,  and  I  respectfully  recommend  that  you  take  these 
points   on   your   return,    particularly   as   the    Baltimore    Circle 
announces    that    "they    have    five    hundred    dollars    in    their 
treasury  which  they  do  not  know  what  to  do  with."     I  wrote 
Gahan,  the  Centre,  a  begging  letter  and  it  may  have  the  effect, 
but  your  presence  will   have  a  hundred  fold  the  effect.     The 
people  are  wavering,  but  he  says  "with  a  speech  from  you  and 
Colenel  Roberts  two   thousand    (2,000)    men  can  be  raised" — 
my  own  regiment  was  mustered  out  there,  and  the  Maryland 
troops,  personal  vanity  apart,  had  a  good  deal  of  confidence 
in  me.     West  Point   reports  from  four  hundred    (400)    to   five 
hundred  (500)   dollars  in  their  treasury  and  a  similar  state  of 
uncertainty.     I   have   written   and   will    send   them   some   one 
this  week.    Bryce  brings  an  invitation  from  the  wealthy  Circle 
of  Bordentown,  N.  J.     I  can't  speak  and  have  ordered  Tresil- 
lian  and  Hynes  there. 

Colonel  Doyle,  our  best  A.  L  G.,  has  sent  me  a 
suggestion  that  a  professional  tour  be  made  to  Pough- 
keepsie,  Malone  and  a  number  of  other  points  along  the 
line  of  the  railroad  and  the  frontier.  I  have  directed  him 
to  visit  these  points;  I  at  the  same  time  forwarded  him  a  com- 
mission as  Colonel,  1st  Regiment,  L  A.,  with  authority  and  in- 
structions to  recruit  a  regiment  immediately.  I  will  examine 
to-day  Col.  Morrow,  Major  Harkness  and  Captain  Lanigan,  to 
whom  authority  was  given  to  recruit  a  Cavalry  Regiment.  If 
I  find  them  fit,  I  shall  issue  their  commissions  and  muster 
them  in  immediately.  It  is  understood  that  their  regiment 
is  to  act  as  infantry  until  such  time  as  we  can,  or  they  can, 
mount  them. 
I  inclose  a  letter  from  Col.  Roberts. 
Very  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

C.   CARROLL   TEVIS, 
Brig.    Gen.    and   A.   G.,   F.   B. 


2i6  APPENDIX    TO 

XXXII 

This  leiter  was  written  by  James  Stephens  in  1866  in  the 
presence  of  Capt.  John  McCafferty,  who  carried  it  to  John 
O'Mahony  in  New  York.  McCafferty  was  thus  enabled  to  cer- 
tify to  its  genuineness,  as  it  seems  some  doubts  had  been  cast 
on  the  authenticity  of  a  previous  letter. 


Irish  Republic,  Dublin,  February  10,  1866. 
To  John  O'Mahony, 

Brother  and  Friend: — This  note  is  written  in  presence  of 
the  bearer,  Capt.  McCafferty,  so  that  he  may  be  able  to  prove 
the  genuineness  of  my  letter  at  need.  Is  the  precaution  called 
for?  It  may  not  be,  for  the  "Senate"  faction  must  be  very  low 
when  driven  to  the  expedient  of  calling  my  letters  of  the  22d 
and  23d  of  last  December  forgeries.  Such  a  faction  must,  1 
say,  be  very  low,  and  may  be  no  more  by  this.  But  I  would 
leave  nobody  any  excuse  for  affixing  such  a  stain  or  any  stain 
to  your  name,  and  whoever  would  attempt  to  do  so  after  this 
I  would  publicly  brand  as  a  wilful  slanderer  and  enemy  to 
Ireland.  Yours  fraternally, 

JAMES  STEPHENS. 

This  letter  is  indorsed  as  follows:  "New  York,  March  19, 
1866.  Read  before  Central  Council.  John  O'Mahony,  H.  C. 
F.  B." 


Private. 

Dublin,  February  10,  1866. 

To  John  O'Mahony,  New  York. 

Brother  and  Friend: — I  intended  to  have  sent  out  by  bearer 
an  elaborate  address  to  the  friends  of  Ireland  in  America. 
Written  as  I  meant  to  write  it,  this  address  would,  I  believe, 
have  smashed  all  opposition  and  given  confidence  to  men  now 
sceptical  enough.  Unfortunately,  cold  began  to  grow  on  me 
some  days  ago,  and  yesterday  this  cold  came  to  a  crisis.  My 
throat  became  so  swollen  and  sore  that  I  could  take  no  food 
and  could  get  but  little  sleep  last  night.  This  morning  I 
was  much  worse  and  in  high  fever.  However,  I  arose  to 
make  an  effort  to  write.  I  have  found  it  impossible  to  do  so, 
and  to-night  I  am  decidedly  unwell.  I  should  not  be  uneasy 
but  for  my  throat.  But  even  this  may  be  only  a  temporary  ail- 
ment, and  I  trust  all  will  be  well  in  a  few  days. 

Your  letters  since  the  convention  have  brought  us  all  but 
despair.  It  is  a  miracle  how  we  have  been  able  to  hold  out 
since.  The  last  money  in  Mitchell's  hands  (£160)  was  drawn 
a  month  and  more  ago.  Since  then  we  have  been  driven  to 
raise  money  as  best  we  could.  Now,  to  show  that  we  want 
money  at  present  is  to  drive  into  utter  despair  the  very  class 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  217 

of  men  who  could  give  us  money.  Are  you  aware  of  the  num- 
ber of  men  under  pay  here  now?  Besides  those  from  your 
side,  there  are  some  thousand  from  England  and  Scotland. 
Then  the  trials  demand  large  sums.  And  what  of  the  organi- 
zation? i  say  nothing  of  the  needs  of  war.  But  if  the  real 
state  of  things  were  now  known  to  all  I  should  either  consent 
to  move  at  once,  as  we  are  or  dissolve  the  organization. 
I  had  made  you  popular  here  once  more  and  taught  all  in 
our  ranks  to  look  to  you  hopefully,  but  what  can  I  do  now  in 
the  face  of  facts?  The  heavens  or  the  earth  could  not  hide 
you  if  we  are  driven  into  a  fight  of  desperation  and  conse- 
quent slaughter  or  dissolution. 

I  am  unable  to  write  more  at  present.  A  word  of  advice 
may  be  given  with  regard  to  those  men  just  come  over.  We 
don't  want  privates  here  in  this  way.  When  such  men  come  at 
all  it  should  be  with  the  expedition.  Nor  will  officers,  unless 
of  a  superior  grade  and  superior  ability,  be  worth  their  pay  till 
we  take  the  field.  It  is  a  woeful  thing  on  your  side  to  think 
that,  with  a  few  exceptions,  we  have  not  men  here  equal  to 
the  officers  hitherto  sent  over.     We  have  hundreds  such. 

I  feel  really  so  unwell  that  I  must  conclude  here.  Hoping 
that  something  of  consequence  has  been  done  by  this  and 
that  aid  is  within  a  few  days  of  us,  I  am 

Yours  as  ever. 

JAMES  STEPHENS. 

The  bearer  has  won  a  high  opinion  for  himself  here.  I  think 
very  highly  of  him  myself,  and  it  grieves  me  to  let  him  go. 
But  he  can  do  good  work  in  various  ways  at  your  side,  and 
you  will  find  him  specially  serviceable  in  putting  to  shame  or 
silence  those  treacherous  runaways  who  are  now  trotted  out  to 
slander  the  true  and  brave  men  at  home.  Be  very  kind  to 
bearer. 

This  letter  bears  the  following  indorsement:  "Hd.  Qrs.  F.  B., 
New  York,  19  March,  1866.  Read  befor  C.  C.  John  O'Mahony, 
H.  C.  F.  B." 


XXXTII 

U.   S.   steamer  Michigan, 
Buffalo,  Feb.  16,    1866. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War,  F.  B. 

Sir: — I  have  formed  a  circle  on  board  of  this  ship.  It  num- 
bers 17  men  at  present,  good  and  true  to  the  cause. 

I  gave  Mr,  O'Day  $100  from  myself  to  buy  arms. 

There  is  nothing  new  on  the  Lakes,  We  can't  leave  here 
before   the   15th    of  April   next. 

I  will  do  all  I  can.     You  may  be  sure  that  I  am  sorry  that 


2i8  APPENDIX    1T) 

I  can't  attend  the  Convention,  but  you  can  have  all  the  means 
that   it  is   in   my   power  to   give. 

If  you  want  a  map  of  Lake  Erie,  I  can  get  it  for  you. 
I  hope  the  President  is  well. 

Fraternally  yours, 

WM.    E.    LEONARD, 

C.  F.  B. 
Direct. 

WM.  E.  LEONARD,  Mate, 
U.    S.    Steamer   Michigan, 
Buffalo,   N.   Y. 


XXXIV 

Headquarters,   F.   B., 
New  York,  March  3rd,  1866. 
Maj.  General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War  and  Navy,  F.  B. 

General: — In  compliance  with  your  instructions  I  have  made 
investigations  regarding  the  organization  of  a  co-operative 
naval  force,  intended  to  capture  the  enemy's  vessels  now 
blockaded  by  ice  in  the  Canadian  waters,  and  have  the  honor 
to   report   as   follows: 

First.  The  enterprise  would  require  from  two  to  three  hun- 
dred able  seamen,  divided  into  as  many  corps  as  there  are 
objective  points — a  simultaneous  movement  being  advisable. 

Second.  Each  corps  should  be  under  the  command  of  a  re- 
liable and  experienced  naval  officer. 

Third.  An  immediate  recognizance  of  the  position,  arma- 
ment and  other  means  of  defense  of  these  vessels  should  be 
made. 

Fourth.  The  expedition  should  keep  open  as  far  as  possible 
the  means  of  communication  between  the  different  corps,  for 
the  purpose  of  concentration,  if  necessary,  for  which  purpose 
there  should  be  a  Chief  of  the  expedition. 

Fifth.  The  men  can  be  raised  in  New  York  in  ten  or 
twelve  days  and  the  services  of  competent  and  faithful  officers 
obtained. 

Sixth.  The  expense  of  fitting  out  such  an  expedition  at  this 
place  would  be  about  $12,000,  viz.: 

Bounty  or  "Hand  Money,"  $40  per  man $8,000 

Two  weeks'  subsistence  for  men  and  officers 2,000 

Transportation   and   subsistence 2,000 


$12,000 

This  amount  would  put  the  forces  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
scenes    of   operation. 

I  think,  however,  that  Buffalo  and  Chicago  would  afford 
greater  facilities  for  fitting  out  such  an  expedition  and  that 
the   expenses   would    be   reduced,     I   would    suggest,    however, 


DENTEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  219 

even  if  these  points  are  chosen,   that  a  few   good   seamen   be 
procured  here  to  aid  in  organizing. 

Respectfully   submitted, 

J.    W.    BRYCE, 
Captain  and   Naval  Aid. 


XXXV 

26  Rue  Lacepede,  Paris,  March  10,  1866. 
John  O'Mahony,  Esq.,  President  F.  B.: 

Dear  O'Mahony:  Since  my  last  letter  to  you  I  have  to  report 
the  receipt  of  a  package  of  bonds  of  the  I.  R.  B.,  which  arrived 
perfectly  safe  on  February  17,  and  of  your  letter  dated  Febru- 
ary 20,  enclosing  bill  of  exchange  on  Rothschilds  for  28,840 
francs,  of  which  3,090  on  my  private  account  and  25,750  francs 
for  transmission  to  Ireland,  payable  three  days  after  sight, 
that  is  yesterday. 

As  there  was  a  messenger  already  in  Paris,  waiting  for 
money,  with  an  order  for  £1,000,  and  as  there  was  still  in  bank 
a  sum  of  £57  15s.  not  yet  sent  over  in  pursuance  of  the  last 
orders  I  had  been  presented  with,  1  added  these  two  sums  to- 
gether, and  also  the  cost  of  procuring  English  money  in  Paris 
(£6)  for  £1,000,  and  remitted  the  whole,  amounting  to 
£1,063  16s.,  or,  in  francs,  after  deducting  14  francs  for  stamp- 
ing duty,  26,576  50c. 

Up  to  this  time  all  moneys  sent  over  by  me  have  been  re- 
ceived; but,  of  course,  there  is  continual  dissatisfaction  at  re- 
ceiving so  little.  There  is  now  here  in  bank  to  the  credit  of 
the  F.  B.  something  over  1,000  francs  only — the  precise  sum 
I  am  not  certain  of  until  I  settle  the  account  with  John  Monroe 
&  Co.,  which  I  shall  do  in  a  few  days,  and  transfer  our  account 
elsewhere,  for  I  am  well  watched. 

With  regard  to  the  bonds  of  the  I.  R.,  if  the  society  had  gone 
on  harmoniously  and  if  the  F.  B.  were  still  with  strength  un- 
broken, as  when  I  left  America,  probably  something  could  be 
done  with  them  here.  You  are  aware  that  to  put  any  bonds 
of  a  foreign  loan  upon  the  market  here  requires  previous  au- 
thorization by  the  government.  That,  I  need  hardly  tell  you, 
was  not  to  be  expected  in  the  present  relations  of  France  and 
England.  But  perhaps  they  might  have  sold  privately.  How- 
ever, after  the  events  which  have  happened,  both  in  the  United 
States  and  in  Ireland,  I  see  no  chance  of  this.  I  have  offered 
some  to  persons  whom  I  knew  to  be  well  affected  to  our  cause, 
but  in  vain.  For  the  present,  therefore,  the  whole  package  of 
bonds  remains  unbroken  in  my  desk.  In  a  few  days,  when  I 
shall  know  precisely  what  balance  remains  in  the  bank  (which, 
however,  is  very  small,  as  I  told  you)  I  will  send  over  a  regular 
account  to  Mr.  Killian. 

Pray  note  my  address,  26— not  24 — Rue  Lacepede. 
Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  MITCHEL. 


220  APPENDIX    TO 

PRIVATE.— I  need  not  tell  you,  dear  O'M.,  how  bitterly  I 
have  been  grieved  by  the  shameful  breakup  of  the  F.  B.  Its 
worst  effect  was  not  the  cutting  off  of  money  supplies— it  was 
the  deconsideration  of  our  cause  in  America — wnic-n  sentiment 
of  the  Americans  was  what  encouraged  the  enemy  to  make  ths 
Bwoop  upon  all  Irish-American  citizens  they  could  find  in  Ire- 
land. I  make  no  doubt  that  Russell  had  consulted  Adams 
before  doing  it  and  that  Adams  told  him  to  go  ahead — they 
were  but  Irish,  after  all.  It  is  very  well  for  Mr.  Killian  and 
othe'rs  to  express  indignation,  which  indeed  they  have  a  right 
to  feel  at  this  open  abandonment  of  the  rights  of  naturalized 
citizens  who  had  fought  for  the  flag  and  all  that.  But  it  is 
what  ought  to  have  been  expected.  And  a  fine  situation  those 
American  Irish  now  find  themselves  in,  who  fought  for  that 
flag  with  the  expectation  that  as  soon  as  the  war  was  ended 
they  would  be  let  loose  upon  England! 

But  it  is  useless  to  look  back  upon  the  past.  The  movement 
in  Ireland  is,  I  suppose,  entirely  stopped  and  any  combined  and 
intelligent  insurrection  quite  impossible — though  there  may  be 
local  outbreaks.  The  last  letter  but  one  I  had  from  him  (be- 
ginning of  January)  was  to  ask  my  advice  as  to  whether  the 
outbreak  should  begin  then,  within  a  day  or  two,  or  be  post- 
poned for  a  month,  when  he  said  he  was  sure  of  being  much 
better  provided  with  material.  Now,  he  knew  my  opinion  at 
the  time  he  wrote — namely,  that  without  a  considerable  expe- 
dition from  America  insurrecti-on  in  Ireland  was  hopeless. 
So  in  my  reply  I  told  him  that  I  must  decline  to  give  any  ad- 
vice now  on  that  point— that  he  best  knew  both  what  his  re- 
sources were  and  what  engagements  he  had  taken  with  the 
multitudes  of  Americans  he  had  brought  over,  as  well  as  the 
many  hundreds,  perhaps  thousands,  of  men  he  had  induced 
to  come  from  England  and  Scotland,  abandoning  their  busi- 
ness and  appearing  on  the  streets  of  Dublin  as  strangers 
having  nothing  to  do,  which  could  not  fail  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  police — that  I  would  have  advised  that  matters 
should  not  be  brought  to  such  a  crisis  at  present,  but  as  he 
had  brought  them  to  such  a  crisis  I  wo«uld  not  recommend 
anything  at  all.  All  I  could  do  was  to  remit  the  money  in  my 
hando  as  quickly  as  he  called  for  it.  Again  he  wrote  to  me, 
a  few  days  later,  stating  that  neither  he  nor  any  one  else  in 
the  movement  thought  for  one  moment  of  settling  down  with- 
out a  fight — that  the  question  was  only  whether  they  should 
fight  then  or  in  the  beginning  of  February.  And  that  was  all 
he  had  asked  my  advice  upon;  that  he  had  consulted  his 
Centres  and  laid  everything  before  them,  and  that  it  was 
agreed  to  wait  till  the  beginning  of  Februarv.  It  is  now  near 
the  middle  of  March,  and  the  government  has  now,  I  suppose, 
made  any  respectable  fight  impossible.  Stephens'  friends  arb 
already  laying  the  blame  on  others,  especially  on  vou  for  not 
sending  an  expedition,  or  at  least  for  not  furnishing  an  illimit- 
able treasury.  It  was  impossible  for  you  to  do,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, more  than  you  have  done,  and  this  I  have  always 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  221 

told  them.  Also  the  prompt  action  of  the  English  government 
was  precisely  what  they  ought  to  have  expected — what  they 
ought  to  have  been  prepared  for — what  they  ought  to  have 
anticipated,  by  striking  two  months  ago  if  they  were  to  strike 
at  all. 

I  do  not  understand  all  this,  as  at  present  advised.  But  I 
wish  to  say  to  you  that  if  the  movement  so  far  as  immediate 
action  is  concerned  be  really  ruined,  and  if  the  I.  R.  (after  so 
many  fine  men  have  been  destroyed)  is  to  settle  back  into  its 
normal  form  of  a  chronic  conspiracy,  I  have  doubts  about  the 
propriety  of  remaining  as  a  financial  agent  in  Paris.  For  the 
next  three  months,  of  course,  I  will  remain  at  my  post  and 
carry  out  any  instructions  and  dispositions  with  regard  to 
funds  that  I  may  be  entrusted  with  by  the  F.  B.  That  will 
give  both  you  and  me  time  to  convince  ourselves  of  the  real 
history  and  present  situation  of  affairs  in  Ireland.  I  hope  you 
will  also  write  to  me  and  frankly  tell  me  what  you  think  of 
all  this  and  of  the  future  course  we  ought  to  adopt. 

I  am  glad  to  learn  that  you  are  again  getting  the  power  of 
the  F.  B,  into  your  own  hands.  You  know  it  was  my  opinion 
that  you  should  never  have  shared  it  with  others.  And  where 
you  were  first  seriously  to  blame  (as  I  thought,  and  think)  was 
in  permitting  that  Philadelphia  Congress  at  all,  or  at  least 
permitting  the  appointment  of  Senate  and  "Government,"  etc. 
I  partly  foresaw  trouble  before  I  left,  and  tried  to  impress  most 
earnestly  upon  members  of  the  Senate  that  their  business  ana 
duty  were  to  sustain  you.  But  I  further  find  you  to  blame, 
when  the  Senate  attacked  you,  in  retorting  hard  names  upon 
them  and  posting  them  as  thieves.  This  made  the  breach 
irreparable,  provoked  their  friends  throughout  the  country  to 
sustain  them  through  everything  and  added  to  the  already 
inevitable  scandal  of  an  ''Irish  quarrel,"  which  amused  the 
Americans  and  encouraged  the  British  to  ride  roughshod  over 
the  I.  R. 

You  may  have  remarked  that,  although  on  quitting  America 
I  had  promised  Mr.  Meehan  a  weekly  letter  for  the  Irish 
American,  which  letter  I  hoped  to  make  a  valuable  auxiliary 
to  the  cause,  I  wrote  him,  in  fact,  only  one  before  I  heard  of 
the  quarrel.  I  came  then  reluctantly  to  the  conclusion  that 
my  contributing  to  the  Irish  American  under  the  circumstances 
would  give  me  the  appearance  of  taking  part  against  you. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  did  not  see  how  I  could  write  a  public 
letter  sustaining  you  without  attacking  the  Senators,  some  of 
whom  I  really  think  good  and  patriotic  Irishmen. 

In  the  meantime  I  beg  of  you  to  consider  well  the  present 
situation  of  affairs  and  give  me  your  views  fully. 

With  best  regards  to  Mr.  Killian  I  am,  dear  O'Mahony,  very 
sincerely  yours, 

JOHN  MITCHEL. 

P.  S. — Although  the  second  part  of  my  present  letter  is 
marked  private,  that  is  merely  to  indicate  that  it  is  not  offi- 
cial.    You  can,  of  course,  show  it  to  any  one  you  may  think 


222  APPENDIX    TO 

right.  If  you  should  even  deem  it  judicious  to  publish  the 
latter  part  of  it,  beginning  with  "I  am  glad  to  learn,"  I  make 
no  objection,  although  in  writing  it  I  did  not  think  of  this — 
which,  perhaps,  is  so  much  the  better.  J.  M. 

Only  if  you  do  print  this  latter  part  I  stipulate  that  you  leave 
it  as  it  is  without  retouching  even  the  passages  in  which  I  have 
taken  the  liberty  to  blame  yourself. 


XXXVI 

1334  Walnut  Street,  March  23,  1866. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War,  F.   B. 

General: — I  am  engaged  in  preparing,  for  shipment,  three 
thousand  (3,000)  muskets.  To-morrow  I  am  to  have  an  in- 
terview with  the  party  who  sent  you  a  note  offering  batteries; 
he  will  then  furnish  me  detailed  specifications  of  his  proposal. 
From  what  I  have  learned  to-day  the  price  of  each  battery 
complete,  including  harness,  will  not  exceed  ten  thousand 
(10,000)  dollars.  The  guns  are  3-inch  rifles,  and  are  at  the 
Phenixville  foundry;  they  are  reported  to  be  new  guns,  and,  to 
avoid  the  expense  of  a  journey  there,  I  shall  direct  Maj.  Tres- 
sillian,  who  is  to  be  there  to-morrow,  to  make  an  inspection 
and  report — the  carriages,  etc.,  I  will  see  to  myself.  The  best 
of  the  business  is  that  the  people  will  engage  to  deliver  to 
lis  at  any  point  we  may  indicate  and  run  all  risks  of  transporta- 
tion, etc.  Maj.  Lanigan  reports  twelve  hundred  (1,200)  men, 
of  whom,  he  says,  he  can  rely  on  seven  hundred  (700)  to  start 
with  in  his  own  regiment.  They  want  arms  and  will  pay  for 
carbines  or  revolvers  and  sabres,  but  fear,  if  they  once  get 
muskets  they  will  always  be  obliged  to  keep  them.  If  we 
can  secure  overcoats  as  uniforms,  money  will  be  forwarded 
for  them  to  our  depot.  The  distribution  of  arms  has  had 
a  good  effect  in  the  interior,  and  with  your  permission,  I  will 
store  some  muskets  here,  in  charge  of  Major  Lanigan,  for  issue 
to  such  circles  as  have  contributed  funds.  I  have  terminated 
the  answer  to  the  N.  O.  people,  I  am  not  satisfied  with  it, 
however,  and  beg  your  indulgence  and  correction.  Don't  fhink 
me  troublesome,  but  will  you  interest  Graham  about  my 
brevet?  Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

C.    CARROLL    TEVIS, 
Brig.  Gen.  and  A.  G.,  F.  B. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  223 

XXXVII 

No.    28    S.    4th    Street, 
Philadephia,  April  14,  '66. 
Col.    C.  C.  Tevis,  New  York. 

My  Dear  Sir: — Yours  of  yesterday  with  the  papers  inclosed 
was  received  this  morning,  and  submitted  to  Jenks  &  Son, 
with  whom  I  spent  over  an  hour  in  the  effort  to  convince  them 
that  they  were  wrong  in  charging  for  the  cases.  They  cannot, 
however,  be  moved  from  the  ground  they  have  taken.  Nothing, 
therefore,  remains,  but  to  fight  them  upon  the  point  or  pay 
the  amount  claimed.  They  accepted  the  $8,300,  of  which  you 
will  find  the  receipt  inclosed  upon  upon  the  contract,  as  also 
a  suspension  of  the  time  for  the  payment  of  the  $1,871 — for  a 
week — but  as  they  decline  to  permit  more  than  1,000  muskets 
to  leave  in  cases,  until  the  matter  is  settled,  it  would  be  well 
to  bring  it  to  a  close  forthwith,  as  Major  O'Reilly  may  be  em- 
barassed  if  the  matter  is  delayed  beyond  a  day  or  two. 

Inclosed  you  will  find  a  letter  from  Jenks  &  Son  in  reply  to 
■yours. 

Regretting  that  the   circumstances   have   not   permitted   my 
bringing  the  matter  to  a  more  favorable  conclusion,  I  am 
Truly  yours, 

JOHN  M.  ARUNDEL. 

The  other  papers  I  have  retained  subject  to  your  order, 
in  case   there  should  be  further  use  for  them   here. 


224  APPENDIX    TO 

XXXVIII 

26  Rue  Lacepede,  Paris,  April  7,  1866. 

My  Dear  O'Mahony:  I  enclose  account  as  it  stands  at  this 
date.  I  have  received,  I  presume,  in  safety  all  that  has  been 
transmitted.  You  will  see  the  amount  of  my  receipts,  with 
the  dates,  in  the  account,  and  will  know  whether  any  have 
miscarried. 

I  am  glad  to  say  that  none  of  the  messengers  carrying  money 
from  hence  to  Ireland  have  been  intercepted.  I  have  vouchers 
for  all  the  disbursements,  with  the  exception  of  120  francs,  $24, 
paid,  as  you  will  see,  to  destitute  fugitives. 


John  Mitchel,  in  account 

1865.  Dr.  Francs. 

Dec.  5 — To  amount  of  bill  of  exchange  on  Tapscotts, 
after  deducting  expense  of  commission,  etc.,  as 
per  Bordeau  from  J.  Monroe  «fe  Co.,  cash  net 204,279.65 

1866. 

Jan.  2 — To  interest  on  bank  account  at  John  Monroe 

&  Co.'s  up  to  this  date 176.90 

March  9— To  amount  of  letter  of  cr.  on  Rothschilds     25,750.00 

March  15 — To  letter  of  credit  on  same  house  from 

San  Francisco,  remitted  by  Kelly  &  Co.,  N.  Y..     25,750.00 

March  22 — To  amount  of  two  letters  of  credit  re- 
ceived same  day  as  per  my  journal 54,638.25 


Total 310,594.80 

By  credits 278,893.30 

Balance  in  bank  this  7th  April,  1866 31,701.50 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  225 

Mr.  Stephens  is  now  in  Paris.  He  has  drawn  from  me  two 
sums  of  25,000  each.  He  has  also  taken  bonds  of  the  I.  R. 
from  me  to  the  amount  of  $10,000,  which  he  says  he  thinks  he 
may  dispose  of.  I  handed  him  the  bonds  to  that  amount, 
taking  his  receipts. 

I  am  in  receipt  of  letters  from  Mr.  Killian  of  March  3  pre- 
paring me  to  receive  large  remittances.  But  since  receipt  of 
that  letter  only  two  letters  of  credit  arrived,  both  on  the  same 
day,  in  a  letter  from  you  to  the  amount  of  £2,000,  as  per 
account.    Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  MITCHEL. 


with  the  F.  B.,  this  7th  April,  1866. 

1865.  Cr.  Franca. 

Dec.  7— Sent  to  Ireland  by  Capt.   Burke    £1,000   in 
Bank   of   England    notes,    amounting  in   francs, 

with  cost  of  exchanging  the  money,  to 25,150.00 

Dec.  15 — Paid  to  Capt.  L.  O'Brien,  financial  agent  of 

I.  R.  B.,  by  order  from  Kelly 25,150.00 

Dec.    16— Do.  do 12,575.00 

Dec.    19— Do.  do 25,150.00 

Dec.    22— Do.  do 25,150.00 

Dec.  26— Paid  Capt.  O'Brien  on  two  separate  orders. .     37.726.00 

1866. 

Jan.  3 — Gave  Capt.  O'Brien  on  two  orders  amounting 

to    £1,800 45,297.05 

Jan.  16— Gave  Capt.  O'Brien  on  order  for  £300  only.       5,030.00 
Feb.  3 — Do.  under  same  order  an  additional  sum  of. .  400.00 

Feb.  17 — Cost  of  parcel  from  Havre,  with  bonds 13.75 

Feb.  20 — Gave  Capt.  O'Brien,  still  under  same  order.  500.00 
March  3 — Gave  to  Col.  H.  McConnell,  who  represent- 
ed himself  as  just  escaped  from  custody  in  Ire- 
land and  was  quite  destitute 100.00 

March  3 — To  —  Wrenn  under  similar  circumstances  20.00 

March  9 — To    stamp    duty    on    bill    of    exchange    at 

Rothschilds    14.00 

March  9 — Paid  to  Edmund  O'Leary  and  W.  O'Dono- 

van  for  transmission  to  Ireland 26,576.50 

March   15 — Stamp  on  letter  of  credit  from   Eugene 

Kelly  &  Co 13.00 

March  24 — Handed  to  Jas.  Stephens  in  Paris,  on  his 

receipt    25,000.00 

March  30 — Paid  stamp  duty  on  two  bills  of  exchange,  28.00 

March  30 — Handed  to  James  Stephens  on  his  receipt.     25,000.00 


Total 278,893.30 


226  APPENDIX    TO 

XXXIX 

(Paris),  April  7.  (1866.) 
Dear  O'M.:  Stephens  leaves  here,  I  believe,  on  the  14th.  I 
wish  he  had  gone  by  an  earlier  steamer,  as  his  presence  must 
be  very  much  needed  over  there  to  give  impetus  to  the  move- 
ment and  strengthen  your  hands.  But  I  hope  there  is  no  in- 
tention of  placing  him  at  the  head  of  the  F.  B.  in  America. 
He  says  he  does  not  wish  this  himself  and  would  not  accept 
it;  that  he  goes  out  chiefly  to  help  to  bring  back  the  Senate 
party  to  reason  and  sustain  your  position.  He  tells  me,  how- 
ever, that  you  have  earnestly  begged  him  to  go  over,  as  you 
are  yourself  worn  out.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  if  the  strain 
of  the  last  few  months  has  told  heavily  upon  you,  both  in 
physique  and  morale.  I  trust  you  are  to  remain  at  the  head 
of  the  American  organization. 

I  am  not  sure  how  long  my  position  here  may  be  tenable, 
owing  to  the  injudicious  publication  of  my  name  in  newspapers 
and  speeches  as  a  "financial  agent"  in  Paris  receiving  and 
disbursing  large  sums  of  money.  Do  you  know  that  this  is 
advertising  me  as  a  mark  to  all  the  thieves  in  Europe? — 
besides  directing  the  special  attention  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment to  me  and  all  who  have  business  with  me.  Accordingly 
I  am  haunted  by  both  spies  and  robbers.  Shortly  after  re- 
moving to  this  house  three  men  came  to  lodge  with  a  marchand 
du  vins  almost  opposite  the  gate.  The  people  of  the  house 
knew  them  to  be  spies  at  once  from  the  way  in  which  they 
dogged  me.  Their  proceedings  at  first  were  quite  unobserved 
by  myself  and  had  been  going  on  in  a  most  offensive  way  for 
two  weeks  without  my  knowing  anything  about  it.  At  last 
I  was  told,  and  went  at  once  to  the  Prefet  of  Police.  He  told 
me  they  were  no  agents  of  his  and  that  the  Frence  police  had 
never  had  any  reason  to  occupy  themselves  about  me  or  my 
movements.  Then  I  knew  the  rascals  must  be  rascals  of  Lord 
Cowley's.  I  wrote  to  him  asking  if  it  were  so,  and  if  so  what 
his  Lordship  wanted  with  me.  To  this  I  got  no  reply,  but  the 
three  rascals  disappeared  suddenly  and  have  never  been  seen 
in  the  street  since.  Of  course  they  have  been  replaced  and  the 
surveillance  is  kept  up.  The  danger  of  this  is  that  they  may 
make  themselves  acquainted  with  the  appearance  of  some  oc 
those  messengers  who  come  from  Ireland  to  me. 

But  this  is  not  all.  My  apartment  was  entered  one  evening 
in  my  absence,  and  entered  by  a  false  key,  for  I  had  the  key  of 
my  room  in  my  pocket  all  evening.  Next  morning  I  observed 
some  derangement  among  my  papers  and  two  letters  of  credit 
gone.  One  was  of  no  value,  for  it  was  a  second,  and  the  first 
was  already  paid  me;  but  the  other  was  a  first,  had' been  duly 
accepted  at  Rothschilds,  payable  three  days  after — and  the 
three  days  expired  on  that  very  morning  I  discovered  the  loss. 
Luckily,  it  was  a  Sunday  morning.  If  it  had  been  on  any  week 
day  the  letter  might  have  been  presented  at  the  opening  of  the 
bank  and  the  money  paid.     As  it  was  I  had  time  to  take  my 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  227 

measures.  Had  police  agents  posted  at  Rothschilds  in  the 
morning,  and  also  telegraphed  to  London,  supposing  that  the 
thief  might  slip  over  there  and  present  the  letter  at  the  London 
branch.  But  I  failed  to  catch  the  thief,  as  he  did  not  venture 
to  present  himself  at  either  house.  The  money  was  safe 
enough  and  was  paid  to  me  on  the  arrival  of  the  second  ex- 
change. But  this  gives  some  idea  of  the  rascality  at  work 
around  me — and  all  by  reason  of  the  foolish  announcements. 
I  have  no  doubt  that  gangs  of  thieves  from  London  are  here 
to  rob  me.  Of  course,  I  am  now  put  on  my  guard  and  take 
good  measures  to  make  robbery  impossible.  Yet  it  is  not 
pleasant  to  think  that  your  room  and  your  private  drawers 
and  all  your  papers  may  be  at  any  time  rummaged  in  your 
absence. 

I  asked  you  in  my  last  letter  to  consider  well  and  let  me 
have  your  conclusions  as  to  the  present  condition  of  the  Cause. 
Pray  write  to  me.     Very  truly  your  friend,  J.  M. 

Do  not  make  this  note  public,  but  show  it  to  whom  you 
please. 


XL 

Paris,  Rue  Lacepede  26,     ^ 
April  10,  1866. 

My  Dear  O'Mahony:— Received  to-day  yours  of  March  27, 
inclosing  two  letters  of  credit  (firsts)  on  Rothschilds,  one 
dated  March  21,  for  28,369  francs,  and  the  other  dated  March 
27,  for  28,689.70. 

Two  days  ago  I  sent  you  (addressed  outside  to  Mr.  Killian) 
a  full  account  of  my  many  transactions  up  to  this  date,  which 
will  enable  you  to  see  whether  any  remittances  have  miscar- 
ried. I  rather  think  not.  I  will  recapitulate  here  what  I  have 
stated  in  the  account. 

Since  the  first  sum  which  I  carried  out  with  me,  for  which 
I  received  in  cash  frs.  204,279.65.  I  received  March  9  25,750 
francs;  on  15th  (from  San  Francisco  through  Kelly  &  Co.), 
25,750,  and  on  the  22d  two  letters  of  credit,  amounting  in  all 
to  54,658.25.  These  sums,  together  with  frs.  175.90  (interest 
on  account  current),  make  in  all  frs.  310,594.80  up  to  April  1. 

To-day  I  have  the  additional  sums  mentioned  above.  The 
account  which  I  have  sent  up  to  April  1  will  show  my  dis- 
bursements up  to  that  date. 

I  see  you  think  it  remarkable  that  at  the  date  of  your  last 
letter,  March  27.  you  had  not  yet  received  an  acknowledgment 
of  remittances  contained  in  a  letter  of  March  8,  which  was  not 
possible.  I  think,  however,  from  what  you  say,  that  one  letter 
of  mine  to  you  must  have  miscarried. 

For  the  future  I  beg  of  you  to  cause  a  clerk  to  send  me  by 
each  letter  that  comes  to  me  a  statement  of  the  remittances 
made  before  that  date,  with  dates  and  amounts.  This  will 
enable  me  to  perceive  if  anything  has  gone  astray. 


228  APPENDIX    TO 

I  wrote  to  you  fully  along  with  the  account.  Mr.  Stephens 
goes  out  in  a  day  or  two. 

Very  truly  yours,  J.  M. 

Pray  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  account  the  moment  it 
comes  to  hand.  I  carefully  keep  the  vouchers  for  disburse- 
ment to  be  produced  hereafter. 


XLI 

This  is  a  copy  of  an  interesting  report  made  to  General  Sweeny 
showing  the  strength  of  the  armed  guards  on  the  Welland  Canal 
in  Canada.  It  was  transmitted  by  a  U.  S.  naval  officer,  a  member 
of  the  Fenian  organization. 


Buffalo,  N.   Y.,  April  9,  1866. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War,  F.  B. 

Sir: — William  M.  Andrew,  being  over  to  the  Welland  Canal, 
on  the  6th  of  this  month,  reports  as  follows: 

Total  number  of  men  stationed  there  is  75,  consisting  of 
some  cavalry,  infantry  and  rifles;  ten  regulars  in  all.  Arms, 
rifles  and  two  six-pounders  placed  on  the  dock.  That  is  all 
the  force  to  his  knowledge  on  the  Canal. 

Mr.  Andrews'  brother  lives  at  Welland,  on  the  canal.  He 
says  they  are  drilling  at  night  with  sticks,  the  number  true  to 
you  is  25. 

The  length  of  the  canal  is  28  miles,  with  26  locks.  Your 
point  is  the  guard  lock.  By  destroying  this  lock  and  the  one 
below  you  destroy  the  whole  canal.  The  feeder  runs  into 
this  lock;  the  feeder  is  18  feet  high;  the  highest  one  there  is. 
There  is  no  lock  on  the  feeder  and  the  force  of  water  from  it 
will  burst  the  best  of  the  locks,  as  there  is  a  great  fall  from 
this  point  to  Lake  Ontario.  There  are  also  two  railroad 
bridges  that  cross  the  canal;  one  at  Port  Colburn  and  the  other 
at  Thirrell.  Both  are  wooden  bridges  and  swing  in  the  centre. 
Port  Colburn  is  24  miles  from  Buffalo  and  18  by  railroad.  It 
lies  on  Lake  Erie  and  is  known  as  Gravelly  Bay.  Port  Delusia 
is  at  the  entrance  from  Lake  Ontario  on  the  Canada  side.  There 
is  a  railroad  that  runs  along  the  canal  from  Port  Colburn 
to  Port  Delusia,  which  connects  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Ontario. 
The  distance  by  rail  from  Port  Delusia  to  Hamilton  is  about 
four  hours  (or  to  Toronto).  By  steamboat  you  can  go  to  any 
point  on  Lake  Ontaria  through  to  Quebec  by  steam  or  sailing 
vessels. 

General,  I  hope  you  will  excuse  this  long  letter  to  you;  if 
there  is  anything  I  can  do  let  me  know  and  it  will  be  obeyed. 

Captain  Roe,  of  the  steamer  Michigan,  is  dispatched  from 
here  to-day. 

Very  respectfully   yours, 

WM.  E.  LEONARD, 
Mate  U.   S.    Steamer  Michigan. 

Buffalo,    N.   Y. 


DENIEFFE'S   RECOLLECTIONS.  229 

XLII 

Letter  written  by  James  Stephens  in  Paris  in  1866  to  John 
O'Mahony,  explaining  why  he  failed  to  start  for  America  as 
promised. 


Paris,  April  12,  1866. 
My  Dear  O'Mahony:— My  intention  was  to  have  left  to-day, 
and  I  sincerely  regret  my  inability  to  do  so.  This  inability  is 
due  to  the  limited  amount  of  money  on  hand — £2,000  or  so. 
Now,  our  actual  weekly  expense — owing  to  the  trials,  which 
were  resumed  on  the  10th— being  £700  to  £1,000,  I  could  not 
bring  myself  to  leave  till  I  saw  enough  here  to  make  all  sure 
for  a  month  at  least.  But  I  don't  mean  to  till  this  sum  shall 
have  been  forwarded  from  your  side.  I  expect  to  raise  it  here 
myself.  Col.  Kelly  leaves  to-day,  and  with  his  assistance  you 
can  easily  have  everything  arranged  for  my  reception  in  the 
States.  I  need  not  tell  you  how  much  is  due  to  the  Colonel. 
He  has  rendered  incalculable  service  to  the  cause.  To  this  I 
should  add  that  no  other  could  give  so  full  an  account  of  our 
actions  and  positions  since  the  first  arrests.  I  leave  him  to 
speak  for  Ireland  as  well  as  for  himself.  You  will  find  him 
strong  before  friend  and  foe.  I  leave  myself  by  the  next  boat- 
that  is,  on  the  28th   inst. 

Yours  faithfully  and  fraternally, 

JAMES  STEPHENS. 


XLIII 

In  1866  it  was  felt  it  was  a  serious  mistake  to  have  two 
rival  factions  of  Fenians  in  this  country,  and  an  effort  was 
made  to  harmonize  their  differences  with  a  view  of  combin- 
ing them  into  one  strong,  influential  organization.  With  this 
end  in  view  Col.  O'Mahony  authorized  General  Wm.  J.  Halpin 
to  represent  him  in  making  the  first  overtures  to  the  "Senate" 
party. 

The  written  report  made  by  Gen.  Halpin  in  his  own  hand- 
writing to  John  O'Mahony  is  as  follows: 

New  York,  May  4,  1866. 
To  Col,  John  O'Mahoney,  H.  C.  F.  B. 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  report  that,  agreeable  to  your  in- 
structions of  the  20th  of  April,  I  proceeded  at  once  to  open 
negotiations  with  Mr.  Roberts  on  the  subject  of  a  union  of  the 
Brotherhood. 

The  following  correspondence  will  show  the  result  of  my 
efforts  to  unite  the  two  parties  now  so  unhappily  divided: 


230  APPENDIX   TO 

HEADQUARTERS    FENIAN   BROTHERHOOD. 

April  20,  1866. 
Gen'l  Wm.  G.  Halpin, 

My  Dear  Friend  and  Brother; — Relying,  as  you  must  know, 
most  thoroughly  upon  your  honor  as  a  gentleman  and  your 
patriotism  as  an  Irishman,  I  hereby  fully  authorize  you  to  act 
in  my  name  and  as  my  representative  with  all  parties  willing 
to  co-operate  in  the  liberation  of  Ireland  from  English  domina- 
tion. Above  all,  you  will,  as  I  know  you  will,  do  your  utmost 
to  promote  harmony  of  action  among  all  lovers  of  freedom  at 
this  juncture. 

Fraternally  yours. 

JOHN  O'MAHONY,  H.  C.  F.  B. 

In  obedience  to  the  above,  I  addressed  the  following  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Roberts: 

Wm,  R.  Roberts,  Esq., 

Dear  Sir:— I  am  commissioned  by  Col.  John  O'Mahony,  as 
you  will  see  by  the  inclosed  document,  to  act  for  him  and  that 
portion  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  which  he  represents  to 
bring  about  a  perfect  understanding  between  the  two  sections 
of  Irishmen  who  are,  as  they  believe,  working  for  the  freedom 
of  their  native  land.  If  we  are  honest  in  our  intentions  and 
asseverations  we  ought  to  unite  for  the  common  good  and 
let  no  personal  prejudices  interfere  between  us.  it  will  taKe 
all  our  united  efforts  to  overthrow  the  desperate  enemy  we 
have  to  contend  with  and  lift  our  oppressed  nation  up  to 
freedom  and  happiness. 

Mr.  O'Mahony  has  been  always  anxious  for  this  result  and 
nothing  can  give  him  more  satisfaction  than  a  union  of  all 
good  Irishmen. 

I  see  no  difficulty  in  the  way  of  carrying  out  Gen'l  Sweeney^s 
programme  if  we  have  a  perfect  understanding.  I  much  fear 
the  result  of  either  party  attempting  anything  on  their  own 
account,  while  united  they  can  smite  the  enemy  at  different 
points.  Mr.  Stephens  will  soon  be  here,  and  I  think  prudence 
would  dictate  a  suspension  of  operations  until  he  arrives. 

The  country  looks  for  unity  among  us,  and  if  either  move 
and  fail  desperate  will  be  our  doom.  I  know  something  of  the 
personalities  bandied  about  by  both  sections  for  some  months, 
and  as  the  personal  representative  of  James  Stephens  I  desire 
to  stop  them. 

If  you  appoint  a  committee  to  meet  me  at  any  time  and 
place  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  such  a  committee  and  confer 
with  them  on  the  condition  of  affairs. 

I  shall  expect  a  reply  at  your  earliest  convenience. 

I  am,  my  dear  sir, 

Fraternally  yours, 

WM.  G.   HALPIN. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  231 

To  that  letter  Mr.  Roberts  replies  as  follows: 

New  York,  April  21,  1866. 
Wm.  G.  Halpin,  Esq., 

Sir: — I  am  in  receipt  of  a  communication  from  you  with  a 
note  inclosed  w^hich  purports  to  tae  a  copy  of  one  addressed  to 
you  by  Mr.  John  O'Mahony. 

Your  letter  is  addressed  to  me  as  a  private  individual  and 
as  such  I  have  to  decline  holding  any  communication  witti 
you  or  Mr.  O'Mahony  on  the  subject  of  which  you  treat,  but 
any  communication  you  choose  to  address  to  me  in  my  official 
capacity  as  president  of  the  Fenian  Brotherhood,  will  receive 
all  the  attention  the  interests  of  the  cause  I  represent  re- 
quires. Yours   truly, 

W.   R.   ROBERTS. 

My  great  anxiety  to  accomplish  the  union  so  much  desired 
by  the  people  and  so  necessary  to  the  cause  of  Irish  freedom, 
and  notwithstanding  the  studied  insult  conveyed  in  the  word 
purports  underscored  lest  I  should  not  observe  its  meaning, 
I  addressed  Mr.  Roberts  again  on  the  24th  as  follows: 

New  York,  April  24,  1866. 
Wm.  R.  Roberts,  Esq.:  — 

I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  21st 
inst.,  and  to  say  in  reply  that  I  have  no  objection  to  your 
assuming  any  title  yoa  please.  Mr.  O'Mahony  will  not  stand 
upon  points  of  etiquette  while  the  freedom  of  Ireland  is  at 
stake.  A  committee  can  settle  or  suggest  a  plan  of  action  that 
will  be  satisfactory  to  both  sides. 

The  people  demand  a  union,  and  whoever  stands  in  the  way 
must  be  prepared  to  receive  their  censure  and  abide  the  conse- 
quences of  casting  away  the  liberties  of  a  nation. 

I  appeal  to  you  as  a  patriot,  desirous  of  aiding  in  the  free- 
dom of  your  country,  to  appoint  a  committee  of  conference 
that  will  lay  the  basis  of  a  union  that  will  be  lasting  and  effec- 
tive. Surely  no  personal  pride  should  prevent  this,  while  the 
whole  Brotherhood  requires  it  and  the  cause  of  suffering  Ire- 
land imperatively  demands  it.  On  your  answer  may  depend 
the  salvation  of  a  generous  people,  who,  betrayed,  may  not  be 
either  patient  or  forgiving.  Those  who  are  suffering  in  Pen- 
tonville  and  Mt.  Joy,  because  of  the  division  between  us,  will 
fail  to  understand  that  Ireland's  holy  cause  should  suffer,  be- 
cause Col.  Roberts  is  not  addressed  as  president  of  the  Fenian 
Brotherhood  or  Col.  O'Mahony  as  head  centre.  Union  and 
action  are  demanded  by  every  lover  of  Ireland,  and  no  points 
of  etiquette  should  stand  in  the  way  of  their  accomplishment. 
Fraternally   yours, 

WM.  G.   HALPIN. 

To  the  above  Mr.  Roberts  gave  only  a  verbal  reply,  which 
is  embodied  in  the  annexed  note  of  Dr.  Mahon,  the  agent  who 
acted  between  us. 


232  APPENDIX    TO 

Finding  tliat  Mr.  Roberts  refused  to  act  I  addressed  myseli' 
to  General  Sweeney,  knowing  that  liis  name  and  reputation, 
both  as  a  gentleman  and  a  soldier,  kept  the  party  together. 
The  following  is  the  note  I  sent  Gen'l  Sweeney: 

New  York,  April  24,  1866. 
Major  Gen'l  Sweeney, 

Dear  Sir: — I  am  authorized  by  Col.  O'Mahony  to  represent 
him  in  bringing  about  a  union  of  the  two  sections  of  the 
Fenian  Brotherhood  that  a  concerted  plan  of  action  may  be 
agreed  upon.  I  wrote  to  Col.  Roberts  on  the  subject  and  wish 
to  have  your  aid  in  accomplishing  so  desirable  an  object.  The 
people  who  have  been  sustaining  the  two  parties  are  crying 
out  for  union,  and  their  voices  cannot  safely  be  disregarded. 

Mr.  Stephens  will  be  here  by  the  next  French  steamer  and 
will  find  the  friends  of  Ireland  divided  unless  we  act  promptly 
and  have  an  understanding  with  each  other  that  will  enable 
him  to  consolidate  our  forces. 

In  view  of  the  great  cause  we  have  at  heart,  no  private  or 
personal  differences  should  stand  in  the  way  of  cordial  union. 

If  the  body  which  you  represent  appoints  a  committee  to 
confer  on  the  subject  I  shall  meet  such  a  committee  at  any 
time  and  place  appointed. 

I  appeal  to  you.  General,  as  an  Irishman  and  a  patriot  to 
assist  in  creating  this  union  so  necessary  to  our  success. 

I  shall  expect  an  answer  at  your  earliest  convenience. 
Fraternally  yours, 

WM.  G.  HALPIN. 

Owing  to  accident,  the  General's  reply  was  destroyed  before 
it  came  into  my  hands,  but  I  am  informed  that  its  purport  was 
to  the  effect  that  he  would  receive  or  answer  no  communica- 
tion except  it  was  over  the  signature  of  Col.  O'Mahony. 

Thus,  sir,  terminated  the  honest  efforts  we  have  been  mak- 
ing to  cement  in  one  great  fraternity  the  millions  of  the  Irish 
race  and  friends  of  Ireland  on  this  continent,  that  we  might 
show  to  the  world  that  we  could  be  united  on  one  subject,  how- 
ever we  might  differ  on  others.  And  although  a  few  men  on 
either  side  may  try  to  prevent  this  union,  it  is  to  be  fondly 
hoped  that  the  advent  of  our  great  chief  and  the  good  sense 
of  th6  masses  will  effect  the  object  of  our  dearest  desires. 

It  is  neither  my  province  nor  wish  to  comment  on  the  corre- 
spondence, but  submit  the  whole  to  your  better  judgment. 

I  have  the  honor,  sir,  to  remain 

Fraternally  yours, 

WM.    G.    HALPIN, 

Brv't  Brig.   Gen'l. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  233 

XLIV 

Bridesburg,  Phila.,  May  3,  1866. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  2d  inst.,  and  in  reply  to  state  that  out  of  the 
2,000  muskets  which  were  sent  to  Mr.  Carey's  I  issued  900  as 
follows: 

To   J.    F.    Scanlon,    Chicago,    111 620 

To  J.  W.  Fitzgerald,  Cincinnati,  Ohio 100 

To  Philip  Breen,  St.  Clair,   Schuylkill  Co.,  Pa 40 

To  Samuel  Mulvill,  Bergen  Point,  N.  J 20 

To  Cornelius  Finn 20 

To  Peter  Higgins,  Cleveland,  Ohio 20 

To  John  Egan,  Elizabethport,  N.  J 20 

To  Ed.  Fitzwilliam,  Watertown,   Mass 20 

To  P.  J.  Kelly,  Newburg,  N.  Y 40 

Total  issued  from   New  York 900 

On  hand  in  New  York  subject  to  orders 1,100 

The  following  were  issued  from  Bridesburg,  Phila.: 

To  John  Nealon,  Carbondale,  Pa 80 

To  M.  J.  Philben,  Wilkesbarre,  Pa 80 

To  J.  E.  Clark,  Pittstown,  Pa 80 

To  Bryan   Fallon,   Archibald,   Pa 20 

To    P.    Regan,    Oswego,    N.    Y 480 

To  Thomas  McLean,  Cincinnati,  Ohio 480 

To  W.   Fleming,   Troy,    N.   Y 480 

To  C.  L  King,  Corry,  Pa 20 

To  D.   McGowan,   East  St.   Louis,   111 40 

To  Owen  Gavigan,  Auburn,  N.  Y 40 

To  P.  O'Day,  Buffalo,  N.  Y 1,000 

To  John  Barret,  Dunkirk,  N.  Y 480 

To    M.   J.   Cronin,    Erie,   Pa 840 

To  J.  O'Farrell,   Baltimore,   Md 100 

Total  issued  from  Bridesburg 4,220 

On  hand  at  Bridesburg  subject  to  orders 1,280 

I  will  await  orders  from  you  before  issuing  the  above  1,280, 
which  you  will  see  is  on  hand  here.  In  the  meantime  I  will 
correspond  with  Mr,  Manix  as  you  direct. 

I  deem  it  proper  to  mention  that  the  boxes  in  New  York, 
at  Mr.  Carey's,  containing  the  1,100,  have  not  as  yet  been  al- 
tered.       I  am  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.   M.   O'REILLY, 

Maj.  of  Ord..  F.  B. 


234  APPENDIX    TO 

XLV 

Bridesburg,  Phil.,  May  5,  1866. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War.,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  state  that  in  obedience  with 
instructions  from  Colonel  Mechan  (by  letter  of  4th  inst.),  I 
visited  Mr.  W.  R.  Harmer  this  morning  for  the  purpose  of 
inspecting  the  batteries  therein  mentioned,  but  he  informed  me 
that  it  would  not  bo  convenient  for  him  to  let  me  see  them 
before  Monday  at  1  p.  m.,  for  which  time  I  made  an  appoint- 
ment with  him.    I  will  report  immediately  after  the  inspection. 

On  opening  the  boxes  which  contain  the  balance  of  the 
muskets  on  hand  here  (1280)  I  found  that  there  were  no  ram- 
mers with  them  and  reported  the  fact  to  Mr.  Jenks.  He 
immediately  started  for  Washington  to  procure  them  and  this 
morning  telegraphed  to  his  partner,  Mr.  Mitchell,  that  they 
would  have  them  here  on  Monday.  If  you  will  send  me  instruc- 
tions where  to  send  those  arms  I  will  lose  no  time  after  I 
receive  the  rammers.  I  am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant,  W.   M.    O'REILLY, 

Major  of  Ord.,  F.  B. 


XLVI 

Headquarters.  F.  B.,  706  Broadway,  N.  Y. 
May  6,  1866. 

General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  had  a  conversation  yesterday  with  Mr.  Hitchcock 
relative  to  his  offer  to  me  of  2,000,000  cartridges— 58  calibre— 
at  $14  per  1000.  He  informed  me  that  officers  called  on  him 
from  you  to  inspect  them  and  that  he  submitted  to  them  the 
impracticability  of  storing  at  one  place  in  New  York,  and 
inspecting  in  detail  so  large  a  quantity  of  ammunition.  He 
also  requested  me  to  make  the  following  suggestions  for  your 
consideration,  viz.: 

That  the  ammunition  is  government  ammunition,  purchased 
by  him  from  the  United  States  Government;  that  he  is  ready 
to  give  security  for  the  faithful  performance  of  his  contract  in 
any  required  amount. 

That,  being  a  large  purchaser  of  the  government,  and  known 
to  the  United  States  authorities,  as  dealing  extensively  with 
foreign  nations,  he  proposes  facilities  of  which  you  may  avail 
yourself. 

That  guaranteeing  the  ammunition  under  sufficient  security 
and  inspection  in  detail  would  be  unnecessary;  though  he  is 
willing  that  it  should  be  done  at  the  proper  depot,  and 

Finally,  that,  if  purchased  he  will  undertake  to  place  it  at  a 
convenient  depot,  thus  avoiding  unnecessary  handling  and 
exposure. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  235 

Mr.  Hitchcock  desiros  a  personal  interview  with  you,  and 
would  be  pleased  to  see  you  at  his  office,  48  Dey  street,  at  any 
time  between  12  m.  and  3  p,  m.,  or  will  call  on  you  at  any  time 
designated.     I  am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  W.  BRYCE. 


XLVII 

Philadelphia,  May  7,  1866. 
Colonel  William  R.  Roberts. 

Dear  Sir: — Will  you  permit  me  to  call  your  attention  to  a 
letter  just  mailed  by  me  to  General  Sweeny  in  reference  to 
the  two  batteries  offered  by  Harmer. 

If  his  new  offer  is  now  accepted  while  he  has  it  in  his  power 
to  carry  it  out  it  will  be  just  as  satisfactory  as  the  other,  but 
if  more  delay  intervenes  needlessly  he  may  not  be  able  to 
carry  it  through.  Truly  yours, 

JOHN   M.   ARUNDEL. 


XLVIII 

Bridesburg,  Philadelphia,  May  7,  1866. 
Major-General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  called  on  Mr.  Harmer  to-day  at  1  p.  m.,  but  he 
was  not  prepared  to  allow  me  to  inspect  the  guns,  so  I  agreed 
with  him  to  call  at  4.30  p.  m.,  which  I  have  done  and  received 
the  inclosed  letter  from  Mr.  Arundel.  He  says  he  has  written 
to  you  by  this  mail  stating  full  particulars. 

I  saw  Mr.  Jenks  rhis  morning.  He  had  an  order  from  General 
A.  B.  Dyer,  Chief  of  Ord.,  to  Major  Laidley,  at  Springfield 
Armory,  for  the  rammers  and  I  expect  they  will  be  here  on 
Thursday.    I  am  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  M.  O'REILLY, 

Major  of  Ord.,  F.  B. 


XLIX 

No.  28  South  4th  Street,  Philadelphia. 
May   7,   1866. 
General  Sweeny,  New  York. 

Dear  Sir: — Mr.  Harm.er  desires  me  to  say  that  upon  his  going 
last  Saturday  to  submit  the  two  batteries  to  Major  O'Reilly's 
inspection,  he  was  informed  through  the  parties  through  whom 
he  was  getting  them,  that  remonstrances  against  their  sale 
from  the  State  Militia  organizations  had  just  been  received, 
which  would  prevent  the  proposed  sale  from  being  carried  out; 
that  if  the  matter  had  gone  through  as  at  first  contemplated 
four  weeks  ago  there  would  have  been  no  difficulty,  but  that 


236  APPENDIX    TO 

the    delay    had    afforded    the   opportunity    for   the    opposition 
just  made. 

Notwithstanding  this  mischance,  however,  Mr.  Harmer 
desires  me  to  say  that  he  will  undertake  to  furnish  within  the 
time  you  require  them,  two  batteries  of  Parrott  guns,  10  and 
20  pounders,  precisely  similar  in  all  respects  to  the  others, 
everything  complete  with  the  exception  of  horses,  subject  to 
the  most  rigid  inspection,  and  lo  be  delivered  in  Philadelphia 
upon  the  same  terms,  fourteen  thousand  dollars,  payable  upon 
delivery,  provided,  however,  that  your  order  to  him  be  fur- 
nished at  once,  and  that  at  the  time  of  giving  the  order  you 
deposit  in  my  hands  $3,000  to  be  held  by  me  until  he  has  closed 
the  matter  as  an  indemnity  to  him  in  the  event  of  your  not, 
from  unforseen  circumstances,  being  able  to  take  the  guns 
off  his  hands  after  he  has  obtained  such  as  will  pass  your 
inspection. 

If  you  see  fit  to  give  him  the  order  and  make  the  deposit  he 
requires,  I  will  hold  it,  of  course^  as  much  subject  to  your 
interest  as  to  his,  and  will  not  pay  it  over  to  him  until  he 
has  faithfully  and  to  your  satisfaction  carried  out  his 
proposition. 

If  you  will  send  on  the  order  and  draft  through  Major 
O'Reilly,  I  will  see  that  the  matter  is  put  in  proper  shape. 

Mr.  Harmer  desires  that  you  allow  him  from  the  day  he 
receives  the  order,  fourteen  days  if  possible,  within  which  to 
deliver  the  batteries,  although  he  thinks  he  can  do  it  in 
ten  days.  Truly  yours, 

JOHN  M.   ARUNDEL. 


Quebec,  May  9,  1866,  4  P.  M. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  everything  is 
progressing  rapidly  in  this  district. 

We  inaugurated  the  movement  yesterday,  and  to-day  I  am 
hard  at  work  swearing  in  members,  etc. 

I  have  already  about  50  volunteers  and  nearly  100  who  are 
not  volunteers,  and  before  Sunday  the  number  will  be  largely 
increased. 

The  excitement  is  all  over  and  the  "loyal"  inhabitants  are 
no  longer  haunted  in  their  dreams  by  visions  of  Fenian  armies. 

To-night  we  are  to  have  a  secret  meeting  of  the  leading  men, 
when  business  of  importance  will  be  transacted. 

There  are  about  1000  regulars  in  this  garrison,  including 
artillery.  There  is  no  cavalry,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
volunteer  companies. 

If  the  General  should  have  any  further  orders  for  me,  my 
address  is  P.  Browne,  Esq.,  Daily  Murcury  Office,  Quebec,  C.  E. 

Anything  addressed  as  above  will  reach  me  safely,  and  no 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  2^^ 

danger  of  its  being  opened  or  delayed.     I  have  the  honor  to 
remain,  General,       Your   faithful  servant, 

RICHARD  SLATTERY. 

Major-General  T.  W.  Sweeny. 

I  have  no  fears  for  the  safety  of  this  letter. 

LI 
J.  W.  Fitzgerald,  C.  F.  B.  Detroit,  Mich.,  May  9,  1866. 

Dear  Friend:— According  to  instructions  contained  in  your 
communication  of  the  fifth,  I  proceeded  to  Windsor,  opposite 
Detroit,  where  I  gathered  the  following  information,  which  I 
most  respectfully  submit: 

Stationed  at  Windsor,  five  companies  of  volunteers,  aggre- 
gate probably  three  hundred  (300)  men  for  duty;  in  regard  to 
their  fighting  qualities  I  know  nothing,  but  are,  I  presume, 
something  like  we  were  when  we  first  came  out.  There  are 
at  Windsor  two  (2)  pieces  of  ordnance,  almost  worthless,  which 
I  ascertained  from  some  of  the  volunteers.  (The  guns  came 
from  the  Crimea.)  As  I  went  over  in  uniform,  they  were  quite 
unreserved  in  their  conversation.  These  are  all  of  the  forces 
that  are  now  at  Windsor. 

A  good  many  of  the  men  joined  in  order  to  see  some  excite- 
ment; caring  very  little  for  their  country;  some  Irish  amongst 
them. 

The  facilities  afforded  for  crossing  at  this  place  are  very  good. 
A  small  tug  can  take  over  men  enough  in  an  hour  to  capture 
the  city  and  the  companies  there. 

The  Grand  Trunk  Railroad  has  its  terminus  in  Windsor, 
I  believe.  Store  houses  in  abundance  and  plenty  of  rolling 
.stock  to  supply  an  army  of  ten  thousand  (10,000)  men  with 
the  necessary  supplies. 

The  feeling  in  Detroit  is  on  the  whole  very  good,  and  in  my 
opinion  many  of  the  soldiers  of  the  late  army  would  rally  to 
our  standard,  provided  they  saw  a  good  start  made. 

The  United  States  forces  are  stationed  as  follows:  Major- 
General  Ord,  commanding  the  Department  of  the  Ohio,  com- 
prising the  following  States,  viz.:  Indiana,  Ohio  and  Michigan; 
headquarters  at  Detroit.  At  Fort  Wayne,  two  miles  from 
Detroit,  two  (2)  companies  of  the  4th  Infantry,  Brevet  Brig- 
adier-General Silas  Casey,  commanding.  Detroit  Barracks, 
one  company.  Brevet  Lieucenant-Colonel  R.  P.  (D.  B.V)  McKib- 
ben  commanding.  At  Fort  Gratiot,  two  (2)  companies  of  the 
7th  Infantry,  Brevet  Lieutenant-Colonel  D.  I.  Montgomery, 
commanding. 

Any  further  information  which  may  be  required  will  be. 
furnished  on  application. 

Very  respectfully, 

HENRY   P.    FLYNN, 
"Clerk"  Gen.  Ord's  Headquarters,  Detroit. 
J.  W.  Fitzgerald,  Esq., 
Centre,  Cinn.  Circle,  F.  B.,  or  the  proper  person  to  receive  this. 


238  APPENDIX    TO 

LII 

New  York,  May  13,  1866. 
Major-General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — In  obedience  to  your  instructions  I  proceeded  at 
once  to  Buffalo  and  as  far  as  possible  placed  myself  in  corre- 
spondence with  the  parties  named  in  said  instructions.  Mr. 
O'Day  and  Colonel  Hoy  had  already  opened  negotiations  with 
Messrs.  Dole  and  Rice  of  the  New  York  Central  Railroad,  and 
a  few  hours  after  my  arrivel  in  Buffalo  we  had  an  interview 
with  them,  and  after  discussing  the  matter  thoroughly,  they 
decided  they  could  not  aid  us  directly,  as  they  were  rather 
peculiarly  situated,  but  offered  to  lend  us  the  use  of  tneir 
warehouses  for  the  storage  of  our  merchandise.  We  subse- 
quently visited  two  other  parties  with  like  result.  At  last, 
Mr.  Frank  Gallagher  and  myself  visited  another  gentleman 
named  John  S.  Mundabac,  a  large  owner  of  canal  boats,  and 
he  has  agreed  to  furnish  us  with  all  the  boats  necessary  and 
,^lso  a  sufficient  number  of  tugs  to  bring  the  expedition  to  its 
destination. 

I  have  this  day  received  a  dispatch  from  Mr.  O'Day,  telling 
me  that  the  contract  is  drawn  out  in  a  legal  manner  by  a 
lawyer  in  the  following  manner:  That  boats  are  chartered  to 
go  to  Canada  for  cargoes  of  ashes,  so  that  there  will  be  no 
suspicion  of  their  going  over  the  river.  None  of  our  men 
appear  in  the  business  at  all,  so  there  can  be  no  suspicion 
aroused  by  their  being  seen  around  the  boats.  We  are  to  pay 
$25  per  day  for  the  use  of  the  boats  and  the  tugs  are  to  be 
paid  what  they  demand.  I  could  not  learn  the  price,  but 
believe  it  will  be  moderate.  The  boats  will  be  ready  at  our 
call.  Our  merchandise  is  to  be  packed  securely  in  boxes  and 
disguised  as  much  as  possible  and  marked  to  some  fictitious 
party  on  Lake  Superior.  When  our  goods  leave  here  a  man  is 
to  proceed  to  Buffalo  to  claim  and  reship  them.  Mr.  Mundabac 
will  recognize  him  and  then  have  the  goods  placed  in  a  boat 
where  they  will  remain  until  you  are  ready.  I  have  now  to 
inform  you  that  the  United  States  vessel  Michigan  is  now 
lying  in  Buffalo  harbor,  it  is  said,  watching  our  movements. 

While  in  Buffalo  I  met  a  man  with  whom  you  had  corre- 
sponded through  his  brother.  This  man  escaped  from  Canada 
to  avoid  arrest  for  being  a  Fenian;  his  name  is  Patrick  Andrew. 
He  had  lived  at  the  Welland  Canal  some  ten  years.  I  swore 
him  to  secrecy.  He  will  remain  in  Buffalo  till  we  move.  He 
will  go  ahead  of  the  expedition  and  cut  the  telegraph  and  then 
meet  th*?  advance  and  act  as  guide.  There  are  90  men  in  Mr. 
Andrew's  circle  sworn  to  fight.  There  is  no  force  at  all  at  the 
canal,  but  there  is  one  32-pounder  in  charge  of  some  pensioners 
living  at  the  place,  but  no  guard  is  left  over  it.  Pienty  of 
spades  and  shovels  are  at  the  canal.  There  are  only  60  or  70 
horses  in  the  village,  but  plenty  in  the  country  around.  There 
are  at  the  following  places  volunteers  as  stated: 

^Welland,   1   Company;    Fort  Colburn,   1;    Port  Robinson,   1; 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  239 

Allensburg,  1;  Thurrill,  2;  Slabtown,  1;  St.  Catherine's,  5; 
Fonthill,  1;  Junction,  1;  Port  Dalhousie,  1;  making  in  all,  15 
companies,  averaging  44  men  each;  making  a  total  of  660  men 
now  quietly  residing  at  home  unorganized.  There  are  no  regu- 
lars in  those  towns.  The  above  towns  are  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  canal  and  extend  over  a  space  of  27  miles.  Port  CoiDurn 
js  18  miles  from  Buffalo  and  8  from  the  canal.  There  are 
plenty  ol  horses  at  Colburn.  Andrews  states  that  the  people 
there  hate  O'Mahony  and  are  eager  for  our  movement.  He 
believes  the  Irish  people  will  rise  immediately  at  our  approach. 
He  thinks  the  T.  V.'s  will  not  fight.  James  McMullan,  of  St. 
Catherine's,  is  a  prominent  member  and  should  be  corre- 
sponded with  immediately. 

The  above  are  the  results  of  my  mission,  and  to  my  mind 
they  are  eminently  successful. 

I  desire  to  inform  you  that  Messrs.  O'Day  and  Gallagher 
and  Colonels  Hoy  and  Baily  rendered  great  service,  and  I 
would  have  been  powerless  without  them.  All  cf  which  is 
respectfully  sumbitted. 

A.  L.  MORRISON,  Senator,  P.  B. 


LIII 

No.  28  South  4th  Street,  Philadelphia. 
May  10,   1866. 
Major-General  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War,  F.  B.,  New  York. 

Dear  Sir: — Colonel  Mechan's  letter  to  Major  O'Reilly  direct- 
ing an  inspection  of  the  guns  and  declining  making  a  deposit 
has  been  communicated  to  Mr.  Harmer,  who  states  that  before 
they  can  be  obtained  for  inspection  he  has  to  lay  out  several 
thousand  dollars,  which  he  declines  doing  unless  he  has  the 
assurance  that  a  deposit  will  give  him  that  he  can  be  indemni- 
fied in  case  you  do  not  take  them  and  they  will  be  thrown 
upon  his  hands,  and  that  as  the  deposit  is  not  to  come  to  him 
in  any  sense  until  you  are  satisfied  with  an  inspection  of  the 
guns,  his  request  is  a  most  reasonable  one. 

Mr.  Harmer  is  obliged  to  obtain  the  guns  from  Alfred  Jenks 
&  Son,  who  obtain  them  direct  from  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment. Mr.  Jenks  is  now  in  Washington  and  telegraphs  to-day 
that  he  has  obtained  the  orders  necessary  to  get  them,  but 
before  going  further  in  the  matter  requires  that  Mr.  Harmer 
ehall  on  Saturday  morning  at  12  o'clock  make  a  deposit  of 
several  thousand  dollars  to  insure  the  matter  going  through — 
agreeing  to  refund  the  deposit,  however,  should  the  guns  not 
be  as  represented.  Mr.  Harmer  is  willing  to  comply  with  the 
terms  of  Mr.  Jenks  provided  you  indemnify  him  by  the  pro- 
posed deposit. 

If  you  choose  to  go  on  the  guns  can  be  inspected  and  ready 
for  delivery  in  a  few  days  at  a  price  nearly  fifty  per  cent,  below 
the  price  paid  by  the  government. 

Should  you  prefer  it  you  can  make  the  deposit  with  Alfred 


240  APPENDIX    TO 

Jenks  &  Son  directly,  but  they  will  require  it  to  be  $5,000  and 
to  be  made  by  Saturday  morning. 

Truly  yours, 

JOHN  M.  ARUNDEL. 


LIV 

Bridesburg,  Philadelphia,  May  10,  1866. 
Major-General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
Colonel  Mechan's  letter  of  the  9th  inst.,  and  in  reply  beg  to 
submit  the  following  statement: 

Through  a  friend  here  who  is  a  member  of  the  City  Councils 
I  have  learned  that  to  the  best  of  his  knowledge  tnere  have 
been  no  guns  of  this  description  condemned  for  sale  by  either 
the  State  or  the  city  authorities. 

On  receipt  of  Colonel  Mechan's  letter  I  called  this  morning 
at  Mr.  Arundel's  office  for  the  purpose  of  communicating  to 
Mr.  Harmer  its  contents.  Mr.  Arundel,  who  is  acting  for  Mr. 
H.,  informs  me  that  the  payment  of  an  instalment  previous  to 
inspection  is  the  only  condition  on  which  the  guns  can  be 
obtained.     He  writes  you  by  this  mail. 

The  ramrods  required  to  complete  the  balance  of  the  muskets 
have  arrived  and  the  workmen  began  packing  this  morning.  I 
am  still  without  directions  where  to  send  them,  having  received 
no  reply  from  Mr.  Manix  as  yet.  I  will  be  able  to  ship  the 
entire  lot  on  Monday  morning  if  I  receive  directions  on  the 
subject.    I  am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.   M.  O'REILLY, 

Major  of  Odr.,  F.  B. 


LV 

May  10,  1866. 
General  Orders  No.  3. 

Colonels  of  regiments  will  immediately  cause  to  be  packed 
all  serviceable  army  equipments  and  war  material  preparatory 
to  transportation  to  the  points  of  rendezvous  of  their 
command. 

Colonels  of  regiments  and  commanders  of  detachments  will 
immediately  forward  all  war  material  to  the  points  of  rendez- 
vons,  as  follows: 

The  troops  from  New  York  and  New  Jersey  to  Buffalo. 

The  troops  from  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island  and  Connecti- 
cut to  Dunkirk. 

The  troops  from  Pennsylvania  to  Erie. 

The  troops  from  Indiana  and  Tennessee  to  Sandusky  City. 

The  troops  from  Ohio,  Maryland,  North  Carolina  and  Vir- 
ginia to  Cleveland. 

The  troops  from  Kentucky  and  Missouri  to  Toledo. 


DENIEFFE'S   RECOLLECTIONS.  241 

The  troops  from  Illinois  to  Chicago, 
The  troops  from  Iowa  and  Wisconsin  to  Milwaukee. 
The  troops  from  Michigan  to  Port  Huron. 
The  orders  to  move  will  be  communicated  by  telegraph  in  a 
few  days. 
By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 
Brig.-Gen.  and  Adj,-Gen.,  F.  B. 

A  true  copy.    S.  R.  Tresilian. 


LVI 

Washington,  D.  C,  May  16,  1866. 
Major-General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec'y  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  state  that  I  have  made  a  care- 
ful inspection  of  the  batteries  offered  by  Mr.  Jenks  and  find 
them  to  be  in  every  respect  complete.  One  of  them  is  a  10- 
pounder  Parrott  and  the  other  a  3-inch  wrought-iron  rifle  bat- 
tery. It  is  now  necessary  that  the  money  be  sent  so  that  the 
work  of  boxing  may  be  commenced  immediately.  The  packing 
will  be  done  at  the  arsenal,  and  I  judge  will  cost  about  $500. 

I  think  it  would  be  well  for  me  to  return  to  Philadelphia 
after  the  payment  is  made,  and  await  their  arrival  there. 

I  respectfully  ask  that  you  will  send  me  some  money  to 
defray  my  expenses  here.  I  inclose  a  receipt  for  $50,  which  I 
think  will  be  suflicient.  I  am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant,  W.   M.  O'REILLY, 

Major  of  Ord.,  F.  B. 

P.  S. — Colonel  Benton  asked  if  I  would  want  ammunition,  to 
which  I  replied  no.  If  you  have  not  make  any  contract  as  yet, 
I  think  it  could  be  had  very  cheap.  W.  M.  O'R. 


LVII 

May  17,  1866. 
Colonel  John  O'Neill:  — 

Upon  receipt  of  this  you  will  immediately  move  your  com- 
mand, including  all  Tennessee  troops,  and  report  in  Cincinnati, 
Ohio,  to  J.  W.  Fitzgerald  (northeast  corner  of  5th  street  and 
Broadway)  on  the  25th  inst.,  where  you  will  receive  full 
instructions. 
By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 
Brig.-Gen.  and  Adjt.-Gen.,  F.  B. 
Same  to  Major  A.  E.  Alden. 

Same  to  Colonel   Owen  Starr,  substituting  "Kentucky"   for 
"Tennessee." 
A  true  copy.     S.  R.  Tresilian. 


242  APPENDIX    TO 

LVIII 

May  17,   1866. 
Special  Orders  No.  58. 

Brigadier-General  C.  Carroll  Tevis,  Adj. -Gen.,  F  B.,  will  pro- 
ceed to  Chicago,  111.,  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  the  division 
Composed  of  the  troops  from  Illinois,  Iowa,  Michigan,  Wiscon- 
sin, Missouri  and  Kansas.  He  will  communicate  to  the  dif- 
ferent commanding  officers  of  districts  and  of  regiments  the 
instructions  furnished  him  by  the  Secretary  of  War. 
By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

EUGENE  J.  COURTNEY, 
Major  and  Asst.  Adj. -Gen.,  F.  B. 
A  true  copy,     S.  R.  Tresilian. 


LVIX 

Tremont  House,  Chicago,  May  22. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  only  to  report  so  far  promises  of  assist- 
ance from  the  outside  world.  As  yet  I  have  not  seen  the 
steamers,  but  Goodrich  has  offered  to  transport  at  $10  a  head; 
much,  however,  is  hoped  from  the  contributions  of  a  number 
of  wealthy  Irishmen  whom  I  am  to  meet  to-morrow.  Should 
they  not  come  forward  sufficiently  well,  it  can  be  obtained 
from  the  Circles  on  your  order  to  that  effect,  and  General 
Lynch  suggests  that  you  forward  an  order  to  send  on  to  this 
place  the  funds  now  on  hand  for  transportation.  Including  the 
Kansas,  Missouri,  Wisconsin  and  Iowa  men,  there  will  be 
about  3,000  volunteers  sail  from  here  and  Milwaukee — about 
1,500  to  2,000  muskets  and  accoutrements  are  needed,  and,  if 
they  can  be  shipped  at  once,  I  shall  be  much  more  easy. 

I  believe  that  it  will  be  politic  to  assign  Lynch  to  the 
command;  much  as  I  desire  a  command,  I  am  afraid  my 
appointment  will  not  be  regarded  with  satisfaction — however, 
in  this,  as  in  all  things  else,  I  am  entirely  at  your  command, 
but  will  be  anxious  until  I  receive  full  instructions. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 
Brig.  Gen.  and  A.  G.,  F,  B. 


LX 

May  22,  1866. 
Lt.  Col.  John  Grace,  Asst.   Insp.   Gen.,  F.  B. 

Colonel:— I  am  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  instruct 
you  that  on  the  arrival  of  the  13th  Infantry,  Col.  John  O'Neill, 
of  Nashville,  Tenn.,  and  the  17th  Infantry,  Col.  Owen  Starr, 
of  Louisville,  Ky.,  and  the  New  Orleans  company,  Capt.  J.  W. 
Dempsey,  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  you  will  forward  them  to  Cleve- 
land, Ohio.       Should  existing  circumstances  render  it  unsafe 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  243 

or  unwise  to   select  this   point,   you  will   then  send   them  to 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.     Great  secrecy  and  caution  must  be  observed 
and  you  must  keep  this  Department  thoroughly  posted  as  to 
the  movements  of  the  above  troops. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

EUGENE  J.  COURTNEY, 

Maj.  and  A.  A.  G.,  F.  B. 
A  true  copy.     S.  R.  TRESILIAN. 


LXI 

Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Sec.  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  claim  the  following  ad- 
vantages for  my  pontoon-wagon  over  the  ordinary  pontoon 
boat  train: 

1st.  It  can  be  used  for  the  transportation  of  supplies  and 
ammunition,  thoroughly  protecting  them  from  all  moisture. 

2nd.  It  can  be  used  for  hauling  water  to  troops  where  it  is 
not  convenient,  thereby  dispensing  with  the  tank  and  water 
barrel  so  often  used  in  the  late  war. 

3rd.  That  it  can  be  used  as  a  boat,  with  oars,  and  will 
safely  carry  12  men,  average  weight  180  lbs  (2,160  lbs.), 
while  each  bed  has  a  bouyancy  of  4,500  lbs. 

4th.  That  4  beds  with  the  superstructure  complete,  will 
sustain  a  weight  of  16,000  lbs.,  while  that  of  a  10-pounder 
Napoleon,  Parrott,  James,  smooth-bore,  or  a  12-pounder  How- 
itzer does  not  exceed  9,600  lbs.;  or  a  column  of  infantry  by 
the  flank  in  close  order— 20  men  at  180  lbs.,  3,600  lbs.  These 
results  I  have  submitted  to  actual  test  in  pounds,  with  the 
model,  which  is  constructed  on  a  scale  of  one  inch  to  the 
foot. 

Lastly,  that  the  saving  in  expense  will  be  approximately  as 
follows,  for  a  bridge  of  500  feet: 

500  feet,  complete — including  100  wagons — at  $65  per 
foot    $32,500 

50  extra  wagons  for  hauling,  ropes,  tools,  anchorage, 
etc.,  etc.,  at  $245   14,250 

$46,750 

36  boats,  at  $100 $3,600 

36  boat  wagons,  at  $300 10,800 

216    horses,    at   $200 43,200 

216  sets  harness,  at  $50 10.800 

500  feet  superstructure,  at  $10  per  foot 5,000 

Extra  driver's  forage,  etc 38,800 

Total    pontoon    train $112,200 


244  APPENDIX    TO 

Total  pontoon  train,  which  cannot  be  used  for  any- 
other   purpose    $112,200 

Wagon  pontoon  train,  which  can  be  used  as  above,  125 

wagons  of  which  can  be  used  for  any  purpose 46,750 

Balance    in    favor     $b5,400 

All  of  which  1  respectfully  submit. 

Your  obedient  servant,  S.  R.  TRESILIAN. 


LXII 


May    22,    1866. 


Special  Orders,  No.  61. 

Brig.  Gen.  H.  T.  Lynch  will  immediately  assume  command 

of  all  troops  that  are  to  embark  for  the  different  points  on 

the  Lake  Erie  shore  for  Canada.     He  will  superintend  their 

embarkation  and  retain  command  until  further  orders  from  me. 

T.  W.  SWEENY, 
Secretary  of  War,  F.   B. 
A  true  copy.     S.  R.  TRESILIAN. 


LXIII 

St    Albans,   Vt,   May   23,   1866. 
Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny. 

General: — I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  you  can  ship  any 
quantity  of  stores  to  this  place,  to  Peter  Ward;  some  marked 
"gas  fixtures,"  and  some  marked  "glass";  the  ammunition 
you  could  send  under  that  head.  This  is  the  best  town  on 
the  line. 

If  the  property  seized  at  Rouse's  Point  remains  there  until 
we  require  it,  I  can  get  it  at  any  time;  or  if  it  is  sent  to  Platts- 
burg,  I  can  get  it  with  less  trouble.  I  hope  you  will  not  let 
that  sad  occurrence  interfere  with  your  programme. 

There  are  two  pieces  of  artillery  in  this  town  that  I  can  get 
at  a  moment's  warning.  They  are  all  complete,  except  harness. 
These  articles  are  in  the  charge  of  Mr,  Ward,  the  man  whom  I 
have  selected  to  receive  the  stores. 

I  saw  a  man  from  Prescott  yesterday.  He  says  that  there  were 
three  companies  drilling  there,  and  to  the  best  of  his  know- 
ledge there  were  four  hundred  men  there  altogether.  There 
has  been  nothing  done  at  any  other  point  to  this  date. 

You  can  ship  a  great  amount  of  stores  to  this  place,  but  if 
you  possibly  cmn,  hire  the  cars,  so  that  it  can  come  through 
without  shifting  it.  The  Custom  House  officers  on  this  line  are 
all  British  spies  and  in  the  pay  of  both  Governments. 

I  do  not  think  this  place  any  too  safe.  Arrange  it  so  that  you 
can  soon  follow  the  goods. 

I  will  go  to  Rouse's  Point  this  afternoon;  I  wish  to  keep 
those  goods   in  sight.     Thence  I  will  go  to  Malone,  where  I 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  245 

expect  a  letter  from  you.  If  you  decide  to  send  stores  to 
Chautauqua,  you  can  ship  them  to  James  Mahony.  He  is  the 
Centre  of  the  Circle  and  a  prominent  merchant. 

St.  Albans  is  the  best  place  to  send  machinery.  Stuff  that 
can   be    marked    otherwise   can   be   sent   to   any   other   place 

I  would  also  state  that  Mr.  Ward  is  superintendent  of  a  gas 
works  that  has  lately  been  burned  down,  and  he  is  rebuilding 
it.     He  is  receiving  a  great  quantity  of  material  every  day. 

I  will  write  again  to-morrow  morning. 

I  am.  General,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  FALLON. 

P.  S. — Mr.  Ward  is  Secretary  of  a  Circle.  I  have  seen  the 
Centre,  Mr.  Reilly,  also;  he  is  a  good  man.  j.  f. 


LXIV 

Headquarters  F.  B.,  May  26,  1866. 

Brig.  Gen.   S.  P.   Spear,   F.   B. 

Sir: — You  will  proceed  to  St.  Albans,  Franklin  county,  Ver- 
mont, and  take  command  of  all  troops  ordered  to  that  part 
of  the  frontier  lying  between  Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  and  the 
sources  of  the  Connecticut  River.  You  will  superintend  the 
forwarding  of  said  troops  and  supplies  into  Canada  as  rapidly 
as  possible. 

This  force  will  be  called  the  Right  Wing  of  the  Army  of 
Ireland,  and  will  consist  of  the  follawing  regiments  and  bat- 
talions,  viz: 

1st,  2nd,  3rd.  4th  and  5th  Cavalry;  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  4th,  5th,  7th, 
8th,  9th,  10th,  14th,  15th,  20th,  22nd,  23rd.  25th  and  26th  In- 
fantry. These  troops  will  be  organized  as  soon  as  circum- 
stances will  permit  into  one  or  more  divisions,  the  divisions 
formed  into  brigades  and  the  artillery  into  a  battalion. 

The  cavalry  arni  will  be  under  the  command  of  Brig.  Gen. 
M.  C.  Murphy,  and  will  be  thrown  forward  in  advance  of 
the  infantry  on  both  sides  of  the  St.  Johns  (or  Richelieu) 
River  and  cut  off  or  capture,  if  possible,  the  garrisons  at  Forts 
Chambley  and  St.  Johns,  and  threaten  Montreal  by  the  Vic- 
toria Bridge.  Should  an  opportunity  offer,  they  will  take  pos- 
session of  the  bridge  and  hold  it  until  the  infantry  and 
artillery  arrive.  Should  the  enemy  move  out  of  the  latter 
place  in  force,  the  cavalry  will  fall  back,  destroying  the 
bridges  as  they  retire  and  throwing  every  obstacle  they  can 
in  the  enemy's  way.  A  portion  of  the  cavalry  will  be  sent 
along  the  Grand  Trunk  R.  R.  in  the  direction  of  Quebec,  and 
seize  on  Fort  Levi,  if  not  too  strongly  garrisoned.  Should  the 
enemy  move  across  the  river  and  press  them,  they  will 
fall  back  towards  Richmond,  destroying  the  bridges,  etc.,  and 
giving  timely  notice  of  the  enemy's  advance. 

The  cavalry  will  also  collect  supplies  for  the  army,  such 
as  horses,  forage,  beef  cattle,  etc.,  giving  receipts  for  the  same. 

In  case  the  enemy  should  attempt  to  concentrate  from  Que- 


246  APPENDIX    TO 

bee  and  Montreal,  you  will  draw  in  your  forces  between  the 
St.  Johns  and  the  St.  Francis  Rivers  and  hold  that  country 
at  all  hazards. 

You  will  ma,ke  Sherbrook  your  Headquarters  and  place 
strong  garrisons  at  Forts  Chambley  and  St.  Johns  and  a  small 
force  at  St.  Hilaire;  also  a  strong  garrison  at  Richmond,  and 
small  forces  at  different  points  along  the  lines  of  both  rivers, 
taking  good  care  to  keep  your  communication  open,  etc.  In 
case  the  commander  of  the  cavalry  should  find  it  necessary 
to  apply  for  a  reinforcement  of  the  other  arm,  such  reinforce- 
ments will  be  sent  to  him  by  you. 


LXV 

Malone,   N.  Y.,   May  27,  1866. 
Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  received  your  letter  of  May  24,  this  morn- 
ing, and  I  must  say  that  it  makes  me  feel  better. 

I  have  given  the  bill  of  sale  to  Mr.  Mannix.  He  understands 
his  instructions  and  will  work  with  a  will. 

Mr.  Brown  has  not  arrived  as  yet,  but  I  will  look  for  him 
to-morrow. 

I  need  not  tell  you  that  I  will  do  everything  in  my  power 
to  make  everything  safe  here.  I  will  go  to  Potsdam  to-morrow 
for  the  purpose  of  complying  with  your  instructions. 

I  was  to  the  barracks  at  Plattsburg  yesterday.  There  are 
two  companies  of  the  4th  U.  S.  Infantry  there,  under  command 
of  First  Lieut.  Miller.  They  have  no  orders  that  will  interfere 
with  us.  There  are  some  Fenians  among  them,  and  some  old 
soldiers  who  are  as  true  as  steel.  If  anything  turns  up  I  will 
hear  it  at  Malone. 

I  have  talked  with  two  deserters  from  the  21st  Regiment, 
deserters  say  that  there  are  400  Irishmen,  if  not  more,  in  thosts 
regiments,  and  that  during  the  last  two  months  they  would 
not  be  allowed  to  do  any  but  duty  outside  of  the  barracks,  but 
the  other  soldiers  complained  so  much  that  they  were  lately 
ordered  to  perform  the  same  duty  as  the  other  soldiers.  From 
what  these  two  men  told  me,  their  officers  could  not  trust  them. 

You  mu3t  not  depend  on  many  men  to  fall  into  our  ranks  at 
this  place;  the  cause  has  been  neglected  very  much  along  the 
line.  The  Americans  are  all  alive  and  will  assist  liberally 
when  they  see  something  taking  place. 

Nothing  new  has  turned  up  on  the  other  side  of  the  line  as 
yet;  I  will  hear  it  if  anything  takes  place. 

We  will  do  all  that  we  can  in  a  quiet  way  to  get  those 
muskets;  if  we  do  not  get  them,  we  can  take  them  when  the 
time  comes. 

If  you  should  want  a  guide,  there  is  a  man  here,  a  member 
of  this  Circle,  whom  I  could  recommend  for  that  duty.  He 
knows  the  whole  country. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  247 

I  am  aware  That  my  duty  at  this  particular  time  is  difficult 
to  perform.     I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  have  things  right. 

As  far  as  the  sentiment  of  the  people  is  concerned,  the  most 
of  them  are  with  us. 

I  will  write  you  again  from  Potsdam. 

I  am,  General,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  FALLON, 

Captain,  F.  B. 


LXVI 

War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant  General's    Office, 
New  York,  30th  May,  1866. 

Special  Order,  No.  64, 

Brig,  Gen,  Samuel  P.  Spear  will  proceed  immediately  to 
St.  Albans,  Vt.,  to  superintend  the  crossing  of  troops  and 
supplies  that  may  arrive  at  that  point;  and  as  soon  as  they 
have  crossed  the  frontier,  to  organize  them  into  a  division,  to 
be  known  as  the  Right  Wing  of  the  Army  of  Ireland,  of  which 
he  will  take  command  until  further  orders. 

He  will  organize,  on  the  Canadian  side  of  the  frontier,  depots 
of  supplies,  which  he  will  have  properly  guarded. 

Col.  John  Mechan,  Chief  of  Engineers,  will  report  to  him 
for  duty. 


LXVII 

War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant  General's    Office, 
New  York,  30th  May,  1866. 

Special  Orders,  No.  65. 

Brig.  Gen.  Michael  C.  Murphy  will  proceed  immediately  to 
Malone,  N.  Y.,  to  superintend  the  crossing  of  troops  and 
supplies  which  may  arrive  along  that  line.  He  will,  as  soon 
as  practicable  after  crossing  the  frontier,  organize  the  cavalry 
brigade,  to  be  composed  of  the  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  4th  and  5th 
Regiments  of  Cavalry,  and  carry  out  instructions  inclosed  here- 
with. 

The  cavalry  brigade  will  be  attached  to  the  division  under 
command  of  Brig.  Gen.  S.  P.  Spear,  from  whom  he  will  receive 
further  orders  and  instructions  that  any  exigency  may  render 
necessary. 


248  APPENDIX    TO 

LXVIII 

War  Department,  F.  B., 
Adjutant  General's    Office, 
New  York,  31st  May,  1866. 
Brig,  Gen.  M.  C.  Murphy,  Malone  N.  Y. 

General: — I  am  instructed  by  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny  to  direct 
you  to  move  everything  in  the  way  of  supplies  over  the  border 
as  soon  as  sufficient  men  arrive  to  protect  them.  You  will  es- 
tablish depots,  at  safe  and  convenient  points,  and  have  them 
v/ell  guarded. 

Hereafter,  you  will  resist  the  seizure  of  any  property  of  ours 
except   the   party   or  parties   seizing   show   an   United    States 
warrant.     Pay  no  attention  to  State  or  Sheriffs'  writs,  but  do 
not  come  in  contact  with  the  United  States  authorities. 
To  Spear  and  Murphy. 


LXIX 

May    31,    1866. 
Wm.   J.   Hynes,  Esq.,  Buffalo.   N.   Y. 

Sir: — I  am  directed  by  General  Sweeny  to  inform  you  that 
Brig.  Gen.  W.  F.  Lynch,  I.  A.,  has  been  appointed  to  the 
command  of  all  troops  on  Lake  Erie,  and  has  been  ordered  to 
report  in  Buffalo  immediately. 

You  will  furnish  him  with  a  copy  of  the  instructions  issued 
by  the  Secretary  of  War  for  the  guidance  of  that  portion  of 
the  Irish  Army. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

C.  CARROLL  TEVIS, 
Brig.  Gen.  and  Adj.  Gen.,  F.  B. 
A  true  copy.    S.  R.  TRESILIAN. 


LXX 

Troy,  N.  Y.,  May  31,  1866. 
Maj.  Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
two  letters  from  Captain  Greany,  of  the  30th  inst.  The  arms 
referred  to  in  one  of  his  letters  are  the  Harpers  Ferry  rifle, 
calibre  .54.  I  don't  know  how  many  there  are,  exactly,  but 
will  find  out  and  ship  them  to-morrow  morning  to  Malone. 
There  has  been  no  ammunition  received  for  them  yet.  All 
the  boxes  are  in  a  fearful  condition  and  will  have  to  be 
re-packed.     I  have  had  men  working  on  them  all  day. 

I  have  succeeded  in  chartering  two  cars  for  Malone  and 
Potsdam  Junction,  which  leave  to-morrow  at  12  o'clock  m. 

The  cartridges  were  received  from  New  York  this  morning, 
and  will  be  shipped  to-morrow. 


DENIEFFE'S   RECOLLECTIONS.  240 

I  do  not  anticipate  further  trouble  about  getting  cars,  and 
will  push  the  work  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

I  inclose  a  communication  from  Captain  Bryce,  whom  I  met 
this  morning  on  the  street. 
I  am  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  M.  O'REILLY, 

Maj.  of  Ord.,  F.  B. 


LXXI 

Troy,  N.  Y.,   May  31,   1866. 
General  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B. 

General: — Major  O'Reilly  and  I  did  not  meet  until  this 
morning,  I  believe  he  found  everything  progressing  favorably. 
I  was  able  to  make  satisfactory  arrangements  with  the  ammu- 
nition, and  two  carloads  will  go  forward  without  delay  to 
Potsdam  Junction.  Mr.  Lawrence,  who  has  it  stored,  has  acted 
very  friendly.  He  informed  m.e  that  some  inquiry  has  been 
made  at  the  Arsenal  as  to  when  the  balance  will  be  taken, 
and  1  take  the  liberry  to  suggest  that  it  may  be  well  to  nave  it 
all  in  his  magazine,  where  it  is  safe,  and  can  be  shipped 
quietly.  Should  you  determine  to  take  the  other  million  at 
once,  it  might  be  better  to  have  Hitchcock  send  his  order  to 
Lawrence,  who  will  receive  it,  and  you  can  let  an  officer  go 
with  him  to  pay  for  it — thus  save  unnecessary  fuss. 

I  am  at  your  orders. 

Respectfully   your  obedient  servant, 

J.  W.  BRYCE, 
General  Sweeny,  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B. 

Favor  of  Major  O'Reilly. 


LXXII 

Potsdam  Junction,  June  1,  1866. 

General: — I  received  your  letter  of  the  29th  this  morning. 
My  reason  in  not  answering  yours  of  the  24th  is  that  I  expected 
some  news  from  that  property  at  Rouse's  Point.  Mr.  Mannix 
has  advertised  the  sale  of  the  arms  and  made  application  for 
them.  I  have  not  heard  from  him  lately — that  is,  within  a 
day  or  two.  We  can  get  them,  no  matter  where  they  put  them, 
if  the  men  were  only  here  to  use  them.  Mr.  Byrne,  from 
Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  was  here.  I  received  a  large  case  from  him 
which  I  have  to  take  care  of.  Mr,  Murphy,  from  Washington, 
two  men  from  Newark,  N.  J.,  and  one  from  Rochester,  N.  Y., 
are  here.  Their  property  has  not  arrived  yet.  I  have  40 
teams  at  three  different  points:  Potsdam  Junction,  Malone 
and  Chatogue;  all  of  the  right  kind.  I  wish  you  would  follow 
up  the  property  as  close  as  you  can. 

I  have  received  most  reliable  information  from  Canada, 
that  you  have  someone  at  your  Headquarters  who  gives  them 


250  ^  APPENDIX    TO 

all    the    information    liiey    require.      In    my    opinion    there    is 
nothing  in  your  way  here, 

I  would  like  to  see  the  required  amount  of  property  here. 
Address  me,  "Potsdam  Junction,  St.  Lawrence  county,  N.  Y." 

I  will   write   you  again  to-morrow. 

I  am,  General,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  FALLON. 


LXXIII 

St.   Albans,   Vt.,   June   2,   1866. 
Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  Secretary  of  War,  F.  B. 

Sir: — In  accordance  with  my  instructions  of  the  29th  and 
80th  ult.,  I  started  at  once  for  this  point,  and  arrived  here 
on  the  night  of  the  31st  and  found  Col.  Brown  at  his  post, 
doing  everything  in  his  power,  but  greatly  crippled;  arms, 
ammunition,  etc.,  had  been  seized  by  an  officer  of  the  14th 
U.  S,  Infantry,  and  next  day  the  U.  S.  Marshal  arrived  with 
three  companies  of  the  3rd  U.  S.  Artillery  and  are  stationed 
at  the  depot,  where  everything  was  seized  at  once. 

Colonel  Brown  has  buried  near  here  about  300  arms  of 
different  calibres.  We  have  no  ammunition,  not  one  round  per 
man,  and  none  can  be  purchased  here. 

Colonels  Barnum,  Rice,  Contri,  also  small  detachments  from 
Boston,  Springfield,  etc.,  in  all  about  400  men,  are  here  without 
supplies,  commissary  stores  or  anything  but  good  comfortable 
clothing.     Most  of  the  men  are  without  money  or  means. 

Order  so  far  prevails,  but  the  men  are  getting  uneasy. 

If  I  had  a  few  boxes  of  ammunition  I  could  move  to  the 
nearest  point,  15  miles,  and  cross;  but  without  ammunition 
it  would  be  destructive  to  the  cause  and  the  loss  of  good  men. 

I  send  this  by  Major  Lyons,  who  will  more  fully  explain  all. 
Please  send  me  instructions  what  to  ao. 

Ammunition   is  the  principal  want. 

I  send  a  clipping  from  last  evening's  paper,  which  is  correct 
relative  to  the  conference  with  the  committee  of  citizens  who 
called  on  me. 

Everything  will  be  done  to  intercept  the  trains  and  prevent 
further  loss. 

With  high  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

SAML.  P.  SPEAR, 
Brig.   Gen.   Com'dg  Div. 

P.  S. — I  move  at  once  with  what  men  I  have,  and  will  beg, 
borrow  or  take  such  ammunition  as  can  be  found,  avoiding 
the  U.  S.  troops  as  much  as  possible.  S.  P.  S. 

I  move  through  Fairfield  to  Slab  City,  and  endeavor  to  cut 
the  Trunk  R.  R. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  251 

LXXIV 

Headquarters  R.  W.  A.  of  I.,  Canada  East,  June  7,  1866. 

6  o'clock  p.  m. 
Maj.  Gen.  Sweeny. 

Sir: — Yours  of  this  date  was  received  by  me  per  Captain 
Greany  at  this  moment.  After  your  arrest,  the  same  authority 
attempted  to  arrest  me  three  times,  but  I  evaded  the  same, 
and  having  your  written  instructions  in  my  possession,  I  en- 
deavored fully  to  carry  them  out  to  the  letter  and  to  convey  to 
each  and  every  officer  and  member  of  the  organization  the 
spirit  of  your  orders,  which  were  fully  published  to  all.  Ac- 
cordingly, I  left  S.  Albans  at  3  o'clock,  a.  m.,  this  day,  joined 
my  command  at  Franklin  at  8:30  o'clock,  where  I  found  Gen- 
eral Mahon  at  his  post,  doing  everything  possible  for  an 
officer  to  do  to  keep  the  command  in  order,  which,  under 
existing  circumstances,  he  most  admirably  accomplished.  The 
rations  had  not  arrived — the  men  hungry,  and  most  of  them 
begging  to  go  to  the  destination  promised  them — Canada.  I — 
acting  under  my  orders,  marched  them  cheering  over  the 
border — raised  the  Green  Flag  and  took  a  strong  position. 
The  cry  was  still — hunger.  I  had  but  one  alternative — foraging 
parties  were  sent  out,  and  plenty  of  meat  obtained.  I  mountea 
from  ten  to  twelve  men  at  once — sent  my  engineer  officer  to 
select  a  better  position — and  in  short.  General  Mahon,  as  well 
as  every  officer,  deserves  my  commendations  for  the  zeal  and 
energy  with  which  they  fully  carried  out  the  instructions  pub- 
lished to  them. 
I  have  on  hand: 

Plenty  meat — very  little  breadstuff. 
250  Springfield  muskets. 
13,000  Springfield  musket  cartridges. 
300  carbines  (no  ammunition). 
And,  in  all,  not  to  exceed  1,000  men. 

Many  have  gone  home,  but  those  remaining  are  anxious  to 
advance. 

I  have  expended,  in  every  case,  the  funds  intrusted  to  my 
charge  to  the  best  advantage,  and  have  now  left  on  hand  the 
sum  of  $20.15. 

I  entered  Canada  at  10  o'clock  a.  m.,  and  to  remove  to-night 
would  be  more  destructive  than  to  remain  in  my  present  posi- 
tion till  morning. 

I  have  fully  explained  to  the  Commanding  General  the  dispo- 
sition of  his  orders,  and  my  present  position;  and  would 
urgently  request  a  return  communication  by  a  special  mes- 
senger which  will  reach  me  before  daylight  to-morrow. 

With  high  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  P.  SPEAR, 
Brig.  Gen.  Com'd'g,  R.  W.,  I.  R.  A. 


254  APPENDIX    TO 

LXXV 

Headquarters  Right  Wing  I.  R.  A.,  Canada  East,  June  8,  1866, 

10:30  a.   m. 
Col.  John  Mechan,  C.  E„  I.  R   A. 

Sir: — Yours  of  midnight  last  has  been  received  from  Colonel 
Brown.  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  from  the  time  of  crossing 
the  border  to  the  present,  I  have  been  very  busily  engaged, 
with  the  valuable  assistance  of  Major  Tresillian,  to  ascertain 
and  picket  all  important  points.  I  find  many  patriotic  Irish- 
men here,  in  easy  circumstances,  mostly  farmers,  who  give 
me  all  the  information  in  their  power;  they  even  loan  me 
horses,  and  the  first  one  I  received  was  tendered  to  me  by  one 
of  this  class;  this  gave  me  new  life.  I  sent  him  home  to  tell 
others,  and  now  J  can  get  all  the  information  I  desire  from  this 
true  class  of  friends  to  our  cause.  They  all  say:  "Advance 
to  beyond  our  homes  and  we  will  join  you." 

Last  night  I  sent  to  Captain  O'Hara,  3rd  Infantry,  with  a 
small  party  to  reconnoiter  Frelighsburg  (or  Slabtown),  where 
I  was  informed  there  was  100  cavalry,  partly  regulars  (red 
coats),  on  picket.  Captain  O'Hara  returned,  and  in  a  most 
soldier-like  manner  made  the  following  report,  viz: 
.  -"General: — Your  orders  have  been  obeyed.  I  advanced  cau- 
tiously toward  Frelighsburg,  surprised  the  pickets,  made  a 
dash,  and  the  result.  Sir,  is,  I  completely  routed  the  enemy, 
and  drove  him  belter  skelter  in  every  direction,  killing  3  of 
his  horses  and  wounding  many  of  his  best  men.  I  mean,  Sir, 
by  his  'best'  men,  the  only  ones  who  stood.  One  was  so  badly 
wounded  that  he  could  not  be  moved,  and  I  obtained  a  doctor 
and  left  him  in  the  hands  of  friendly  citizens;  and  here. 
General,  is  the  first  British  flag  captured  by  the  Right  Wing, 
and  I  respectfully  request  to  raise  it  with  the  Green  above 
in  front  of  your  Headquarters." 

I  complied  with  this  request  and  publicly  complimented  him 
for  this  brave  and  gallant  affair.  I  cordially  recommend  him 
for  promotion,  as  such  acts  will  encourage  others  and  warrant 
our  success. 

Frelighsburg  is  now  in  my  hands;  also  Pidgeon  Hill,  St. 
Armand  and  other  valuable  points  (see  map).  I  have  twelve 
men  mounted  and  hope  to  have,  by  "Retreat,"  twelve  more. 
My  commissary  stores  arrived;  were  issued,  also  fresh  beef. 
Give  me  men,  arms  and  ammunition  and  I  will  subsist  my 
command  sumptuously  off  the  country.  I  shall  'require  no 
more  stores  from  the  contractor  at  St.  Albans,  and  all  I  have 
received  have  been  paid  for,  and  all  of  the  receipts  in  my  pos- 
session. 

I  earnestly  request  that  a  small  detachment  of  orderlies 
(couriers)  be  organized  in  St.  Albans  and  mounted  by  Mr. 
Fuller  (livery  stable  men  to  act  as  despatch  bearers,  sending 
one  at  a  time  as  occasion  may  require,  in  order  that  I  may 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  253 

report  twice  per  day  to  the  Commanding  General,  and  that 
this  may  be  kept  up  till  I  can  supply  the  horses.  A  sergeant 
and  6  men  will  be  adequate.) 

Hurry  up  those  arms.  Send  some  energetic  officer  with 
a  guard  to  stay  with  them  till  they  reach  their  destination,  and 
don't  let  them  delay  en  route. 

I  send  by  Colonel  Brown  the  flag  and  staff.  The  standard 
bearer  is  "non  est." 

Be  sure  to  send  men  that  will  remain  with  the  wagons 
containing  arms,  etc. 

As  soon  as  my  reconnoitering  and  foraging  parties  arrive  I 
will  send  another  despatch. 

I  feel  in  most  excellent  spirits,  and  if  I  can  hold  my  own 
until  the  500  muskets  and  100,000  rounds  arrive,  I  shall  have 
no  doubts  of  success. 

The  men  are  in  excellent  spirits,  but  the  fact  of  the  Canada 
militia  being  ordered  out  makes  some  uneasy. 
.  I  have  no  carbine  ammunition.     Has  Mr.  Wheeler  returned? 
If  so,  send  it  at  once.     Mr.  Ovitt  furnishes  heavy  wagons  the 
cheapest. 

I  have  received  the  $500,  which  shall  be  most  prudently 
used;  and  pay  no  hauling  bills  until  I  certify  to  the  receipt 
of  their  load. 

Officers  behave  excellently,  with  but  two  exceptions;  I  can 
attend  to  their  cases  in  person. 

I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

S.    P.    SPEAR, 
Brig.  Gen.  Com'd'g  Right  Wing,  L  R.  A. 

P.  S. — Scout  just  returned;  400  volunteers  arrived  at  Smith's 
Corner  at  8  a.  m.  this  morning.  S.  P.  S. 


LXXVI 
Copy  of  Telegrams. 


Our  men  isolated.  Enemy  marching  in  force  from  Toronto. 
What  shall  we  do?     When  do  you  move? 

Answer — Reinforce  O'Neill  at  all  hazards;  if  he  cannot  hold 
his  position,  let  him  fall  back — send  him  and  his  men  to 
Malone  as  rapidly  as  possible  by  the  Rome  and  Watertown 
roads. 

[Indorsed  by  Gen.  Sweeny — "Hynes'  dispatch  and  order  of 
1st  of  June,"] 


254  -  APPENDIX    TO 

LXXVII 

Headquarters,  St.  Albans,  Vt.,  June  8,  1866,  11:30  p.  m. 
Brig.  Gen.  S.  P.  Spear,  Commanding  Rigtit  Wing,  Army  of  Ire- 
land. 
General: — Your    communication    of    10:30    this   forenoon    is 
received.     The  General  desires  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the 
success  of  the  affair  at  Frelighsburg  last  night,  and  the  cap- 
ture of  a  stand   of  colors  from  the  enemy  on   the   occasion. 
Captain  O'Hara  is  hereby  promoted  to  be  brevet  major  for  his 
gallant   conduct,   and   you   will   tender   to   him   and   the   men 
of  his  command,  the  thanks  of  the  General  Commanding. 
By  order  of  General  Sweeny.  JOHN  MEGHAN, 

Chief  Engineer,  F.  B. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  255 

LXXVIII 

OFFICIAL  REPORT   OF   GENERAL  T.   W.    SWEENY.   SEC- 
RETARY  OF  WAR. 

Headquarters,  War  Department,  F.  B., 
September,  1866. 

Col.  W.  R.  Roberts,  President  of  the  F.  B. 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  my  report  of  operations 
prior  to  and  during  the  campaign  on  the  Canadian  frontier, 
as  directed  by  me. 

Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Philadelphia  Congress, 
in  October,  1865,  I  turned  my  attention  to  the  military  organ- 
ization of  the  Brotherhood,  and  the  procurement  of  munitions 
of  war,  which,  owing  to  the  obstacles  placed  in  my  way  by 
the  Stephens-O'Mahony  wing,  were  greatly,  if  not  entirely 
retarded,  up  to  the  time  of  the  Pittsburg  Congress  in  February 
last. 

At  that  Congress  I  submitted  my  plan  of  campaign  and  the 
estimates  necessary  for  its  furtherance  and  accomplishment 
to  that  body,  which  were  to  the  following  effect,  viz: 

1st.  That  the  minimum  force  with  which  I  would  consent 
to  invade  Canada  should  be  10,000  men. 

2d.  Three  (3)  batteries  of  artillery. 

3rd.  Each  man  should  be  furnished  with  200  rounds  of  am- 
munition. 

4th.  Each  gun  should  be  furnished  with  500  rounds  of  fixed 
ammunition. 

And  furthermore,  that  this  personnel  and  material  be  fur- 
nished in  time  for  me  to  cross  into  Canada  during  that  season 
when  the  lakes  and  rivers  are  bridged  with  ice.  Otherwise, 
double  that  force  would  be  necessary. 

The  estimates  submitted  at  that  time  to  purchase  the  nec- 
essary munitions  and  equipments  were  four  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars  ($450,000.) 

I  found  it  necessary  to  alter  the  plan  submitted  to  the  Con- 
vention, in  its  general  detail,  for  obvious  reasons — which  will 
appear  more  fully  in  this  report — from  that  which  was  pro- 
posed on  that  occasion. 

Having  received  my  final  instructions,  I  returned  to  New 
York  City,  arriving  on  the  25th  of  February.  I  immediately 
appointed  through  the  Adjutant  General's  office  field  and  com- 
pany officers  in  the  various  States.  I  also  continued  to  make 
the  necessary  purchases  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  as 
means  were  furnished,  but,  from  want  of  funds  promised,  the 
quantity  which  I  was  enabled  to  procure  was  wholly  inade- 
quate to  insure  the  success  of  the  expedition. 

On  the  16th  of  April  I  appeared  before  the  Senate,  when  a 
resolution  was  passed  urging  me  to  immediate  action;   every 


256  APPENDIX   TO 

member  voting  in  the  affirmative.  Taking  this  action  into 
consideration  with  the  reckiess  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon 
me  by  the  several  Circles  to  hasten  me  into  premature  action, 
and  the  assurances  of  almost  the  entire  organization  that  unless 
I  took  the  field  at  once,  the  dissolution  of  the  Brotherhood 
would  be  inevitable,  I  reluctantly  yielded,  preferring  the 
chances  of  an  honorable  failure  in  the  field,  to  the  disintegra- 
tion of  the  organization,  which  would  have  entailed  on  this 
section  of  the  F.  B.  the  odious  reputation  which  has  attached 
Itself  to  the  Stephens-O'Mahony  officials. 

The  funds  placed  at  my  disposal  were  hardly  one-fourth  the 
amount  promised  me,  and  enabled  me  to  procure  not  over 
10,000  stand  of  all  arms,  and  two  and  a  half  million  (2,500,000) 
ball  cartridges.  As  to  artillery,  I  had  none  whatever;  but 
trusted  to  the  gallantry  of  my  soldiers  to  capture  it,  or  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  Irish  people  to  send  it  to  the  front  when 
the  blow  was  struck. 

On  the  1st  day  of  May,  I  ordered  Capt.  J.  W.  Dempsey,  of 
the  New  Orleans  contingent,  to  move  to  Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
and  report  to  Lieut.  Col,  Grace,  Asst.  Inspector  General. 

On  the  9th  I  instructed  Capt.  John  Scanlan  in  a  method  of 
telegraphing  me  the  available  transportation  in  Chicago. 

On  the  10th,  I  issued  General  Orders  No.  3,  directing  colonels 
of  regiments  to  pack  all  regimental  and  company  property 
preparatory  to  transportation,  and  forwarded  copies  to  Generals 
of  Departments  for  transmittal  to  their  respective  commands. 

I  directed  Col.  John  O'Neill,  of  Tennessee,  and  Col.  Owen 
Starr,  of  Kentucky,  to  forward  as  freight,  arms  and  munitions 
of  war  to  Sandusky  City,  Ohio,  in  charge  of  the  regimental 
quartermaster  and  the  quartermaster  sergeants  from  their 
respective  regiments.  These  instructions  were  the  first  issued; 
the  troops  being  the  most  remote  from  the  border.  On  the 
same  date  I  directed  Brig.  Gen.  W.  F.  Lynch,  commanding  De- 
partment of  Illinois  and  Iowa,,  and  Brig.  Gen.  A.  G.  Malloy, 
commanding  Department  of  Wisconsin  and  Michigan,  to  select 
points  of  rendezvous  to  which  their  respective  commands 
should  forward  their  arms  and  munitions  of  war;  to  be  guided 
in  their  selection  by  the  amount  of  transportation  which  could 
be  obtained  to  cross  the  Lakes,  and  report  the  points  selected 
to  my   Headquarters. 

From  General  Lynch  I  received  a  telegram  designating 
Chicago;  from  General  Malloy  I  received  no  report,  and  after- 
wards learned  that  he  had  retired  from  the  organization 
without  any  notification,  accepting  the  position  of  second  lieu- 
tenant in  the  U.  S.  Army. 

On  the  12th  I  received  a  telegram  from  Senator  Morrison, 
stating  that  "thirty  canal  boats  and  five  steam  tugs  were 
secured  at  Buffalo";  and  on  the  13th  received  his  report  as 
a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Transportation,  stating  that  all 
necessary  transportation  at  that  point  was  procured,  with  other 
valuable  information. 

Qn  the  14th,  having  received  information  that  some  of  our 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  257 

arms  were  seized,  I  directed  Colonel  Doyle,  of  Oswego,  N.  Y., 
to  inform  me  where  arms  could  be  stored  with  security,  on  the 
line  between  Oswego  and  Rouses  Point. 

On  the  16th  I  directed  Mr.  Keating,  of  Franklin,  Pa.  (?),  to 
store  the  arms  of  the  district  at  Erie,  Pa. 

On  the  17th  I  ordered  Colonel  O'Neill  and  Major  Alden,  of 
West  Tennessee,  and  Colonel  Owen  Starr,  of  Kentucky,  to 
move  on  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  and  report  to  Senator  Fitzgerald 
for  full  instructions. 

Having  been  informed  by  Senator  Scanlan  that  the  neces- 
sary transportation  for  the  Western  contingent  would  be  fur- 
nished at  Chicago  and  Milwaukee,  provided  I  sent  one  of  my 
staff  officers  to  tnat  Department,  I  immediately  issued  Special 
Order  No.  58,  ordering  my  adjutant  general.  Brig.  Gen.  C.  C. 
Tevis,  to  proceed  to  Chicago  and  organize  a  division,  to  be 
composed  of  the  troops  from  Illinois,  Iowa,  Michigan,  Wiscon- 
sin, Missouri  and  Kansas,  to  be  designated  as  the  Left  Wing 
of  the  Army  of  Ireland. 

On  the  18th  I  instructed  General  Tevis  to  make  no  move- 
ment until  after  the  25th,  as  the  Queen's  birthday  fell  on  the 
24th  and  all  the  troops  in  Canada  would  be  paraded  on  that 
day,  and  should  the  British  authorities  get  an  inkling  that  our 
forces  were  in  motion,  the  result  would  be  plain.  On  the 
same  date  I  communicated  with  Colonels  O'Neill  and  Starr 
and  Major  Alden  to  the  same  effect. 

On  the  21st  I  received  a  communication  from  Mr.  Thomas 
Lavan,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  that  we  could  get  all  the  transporta- 
tion we  needed  for  from  four  thousand  to  five  thousand  men 
at  that  point.  On  the  receipt  of  this  information  I  immediately 
issued  Special  Order  No.  61,  dated  May  22nd,  assigning  Brig. 
Gen.  Lynch  to  the  command  of  all  the  troops  that  were  to 
embark  from  the  Lake  Erie  shore,  to  superintend  the  em- 
barcation,  and  to  retain  command  until  further  orders.  Also 
a  letter  of  instructions,  directing  him  to  make  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
his  Headquarters,  and  designating  Buffalo,  Dunkirk,  Erie, 
Cleveland,  Sandusky  City  and  Toledo  as  the  points  where 
the  troops  would  be  concentrated,  and  cautioning  him  to  act 
with  great  discretion,  as  some  of  our  arms  had  been  seized  at 
Erie,  and  desiring  him  to  act  in  conjunction  with  Brig.  Gen. 
Tevis,  who  would  give  him  all  the  information  required  and 
furnish  him  with  a  copy  of  instructions  given  by  me,  so  the 
attack  would  be  simultaneous.  On  the  same  date  I  issued 
orders  to  colonels  of  regiments  to  forward  immediately  such 
regimental  and  company  property  as  the  men  could  not  carry 
with  them  in  the  passenger  cars,  in  charge  of  the  regimental 
quartermaster  and  the  quartermaster  sergeant,  to  the  following 
points,  viz: 

1st.  The  Louisiana,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Ohio  and  Indiana 
troops  to  Cleveland,  Ohio;  Erie,  Pa.;  Sandusky  City  and  Toledo, 
Ohio. 

2nd.  The  Western  Pennsylvania  and  the  Western  New  York 
troops  to  Buffalo. 


258  APPENDIX    TO 

3rd.  The  Illinois,  Missouri,  Kansas,  Wisconsin,  Iowa  and 
Michigan  troops  to  Chicago  and  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin. 

4th.  The  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Virginia,  Maryland,  Dela- 
ware and  District  of  Columbia  troops  to  Potsdam  Junction  and 
Malone.  N.  Y. 

5th.  The   New    England  troops  to   St.   Albans,  Vermont. 

That  the  orders  to  move  would  be  issued  by  telegraph,  in 
the  following  words:  "You  may  commence  working";  and 
would  be  signed,  "S.  W.  T.";  that  they  should  proceed  by  the 
nearest  railway  routes  to  the  points  of  rendezvous  above 
designated. 

On  the  same  date  I  directed  Colonel  Grace,  on  the  arrival  of 
the  Kentucky,  Tennessee  and  New  Orleans  troops,  to  forward 
them  immediately  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  to  report  to  General 
Lynch;  but  should  circumstances  render  it  unsafe,  to  change 
the  point  of  destination  to  Buffalo.  I  also,  on  this  date, 
directed  T.  Barnett,  Esq.,  to  forward  arms  at  Dunkirk,  N.  Y., 
to  Buffalo. 

On  the  25th  I  ordered  Capt.  W.  J.  Hynes,  of  my  staff,  to 
proceed  to  Buffalo  and  superintend  the  movement  there  as  my 
representative  until  the  arrival  of  General  Lynch  or  some  other 
general  officer,  giving  him  copies  of  instructions  for  the 
guidance  of  that  portion  of  the  army  and  of  the  Western  con- 
tingent. 

On  the  26th  I  assigned  Brig.  Gen.  S.  P.  Spear  to  tne  command 
of  all  troops  on  that  part  of  the  frontier  lying  between 
Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  and  the  source  of  the  Connecticut  River, 
with  full  instructions. 

On  the  30th  I  issued  Special  Orders  No.  64,  ordering  Brig. 
Gen.  S.  P.  Spear  to  proceed  to  St.  Albans,  Franklin  county, 
Vermont,  to  take  command  and  forward  the  troops  as  speedily 
as  possible  across  the  frontier  into  Canada. 

On  the  same  date  I  issued  Special  Orders  No.  65,  directing 
Brig.  Gen.  M.  C.  Murphy  to  proceed  to  Malone  and  to  take 
command  of  and  organize  the  Cavalry  Brigade,  to  be  composed 
of  the  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  4th  and  5th  Regiments,  and  to  carry  out 
instructions  of  the  same  date.  His  command  to  be  attached  to 
General  Spear's  division,  from  whom  he  would  receive  further 
orders. 

On  this  date  I  issued  full  instructions  to  all  officers  connected 
with   I.    R.   A. 

On  the  31st  I  informed  Captain  Hynes  that  Brig.  Gen.  Lynch 
was  ordered  to  move  his  Headquarters  from  Cleveland,  Ohio,  to 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.;  directing  him  to  turn  over  to  General  Lynch 
his  instructions,  etc.  On  the  same  date  full  instructions  were 
forwarded  to  General  Lynch. 

For  copies  of  all  of  the  above  named  orders,  you  are  respect- 
fully referred  to  the  annexed  file. 

Orders  having  been  issued  for  a  general  movement  on  the 
31st  of  May,  Brig.  Gen.  C.  C.  Tevis  commanding  the  left  wing. 
Brig.  Gen.  W.  F.  Lynch  the  center,  and  Brig.  Gen.  S.  P.  Spear 
the  right  wing  of  the  army. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  259 

The  following  plan  was  designated  to  be  carried  into  effect: 
A  descent  from  the  Lakes  simultaneous  with  the  crossing 
of  the  undefined  boundary  on  the  line  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 
A  column  of  3,000  men  were  to  move  from  Chicago  and  Mil- 
waukee (24  hours  in  advance  of  the  movement  of  Lake  Erie), 
by  Lakes  Michigan  and  Huron,  seize  and  advance  directly  on 
I^ndon  by  Stratford.  This  difference  in  time  was  given  so 
that  the  other  columns  could  cross  Lake  Erie;  one  concen- 
trating at  Port  Stanley  and  moving  on  London,  the  other 
concentrating  at  Port  Colbourne,  seizing  Paris,  Guelph  and 
Hamilton.  This  would  compel  the  enemy  to  concentrate  his 
forces  about  the  meridian  of  Toronto,  uncovering  Montreal. 
So  soon  as  this  was  accomplished,  our  auxiliaries  in  Canada 
were  organized  and  prepared  to  destroy  St.  Ann's  Bridge,  at 
the  junction  of  the  Ottawa  and  St.  Lawrence  Rivers,  on  the 
Grand  Trunk  Railroad  and  the  Beauharnois  Canal.  This  would 
effectually  cut  off  all  communication  between  Upper  and 
Lower  Canada.  To  distract  the  attention  of  the  enemy  while 
this  movement  was  being  made,  knowing  that  wherever  I 
was  he  would  consider  tiie  main  point  of  attack,  I  was  adver- 
tised in  Erie  and  in  Buffalo  and  other  points  along  the  frontier, 
the  main  points  of  thr  attack  being  along  the  line  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.  In  order  to  more  fully  carry  out  this  design,  I 
massed  troops  at  Potsdam  Junction  and  at  Malone;  threatening 
Cornwa^-  and  Prescott,  which  had  the  desired  effect.  The  suc- 
cess of  this  movement  being  oi  vital  importance,  Brig.  Gen. 
Murphy,  commanding  the  cavalry,  was  ordered  to  move  on  both 
sides  cf  the  Richeleau  River  and  seize  the  garrisons  of  Isle  aux 
Nois,  St.  Johns  and  Fort  Chambley,  or  cut  them  off;  occupy 
La  Prairie  and  threaten  Montreal  by  the  Victoria  Bridge,  hold- 
ing it  if  possible  until  the  infantry  came  up;  if  forced  to  retire, 
they  would  fall  back,  destroying  the  bridge  and  placing  all 
possible  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  enemy. 

Simultaneously  with  this  movement  a  detachment  of  cavalry 
was  to  be  sent  forward  along  the  line  of  the  Grand  Trunk 
Railroad  in  the  direction  of  Quebec,  seizing  Point  Levi,  if  not 
too  strongly  garrisoned.  Should  the  enemy  move  across  the 
river  in  force,  they  were  to  fall  back  on  Richmond,  destroying 
the  bridges  and  giving  timely  notice  of  the  enemy's  movements 
and  holding  that  point.  Should  the  enemy  attempt  to  con- 
centrate his  force  from  Montreal  and  Quebec,  the  forces  were 
to  be  drawn  in  between  the  Richelieu  and  the  St.  Francis 
Rivers  and  that  country  held  at  all  hazards,  making  Sher- 
brooke  the  Headquarters.  This  position  can  be  seen  at  a 
glance  to  be  one  of  the  strongest  in  Canada  for  defense. 

The  foregoing  plan  of  campaign  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  successful,  were  it  not  for  the  following  circumstances. 

The  staff  officer.  Brig.  Gen.  C.  C.  Tevis,  whom  I  ordered  to 
Chicago,  reported  that  no  transportation  could  be  procured  at 
that  point,  and  that  one-half  of  the  column  I  had  assurance 
of  could  not  be  mustered. 

Brig.  Gen.  Lynch  did  not,  in  accordance  with  orders,  estab- 


26o  APPENDIX    TO 

lish  his  Headquarters  at  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  superintend  the 
movement  on  Lake  Erie.  I  was  then  compelled  to  throw 
Colonel  (Brig.  Gen.)  John  O'Neill's  men  across  at  the  only 
point  where  I  could  procure  transportation,  Buffalo. 

Receiving  the  following  dispatch  from  Captain  Hynes,  dated 
9:10  P.  M.,  June  1st,  1866:  "Our  men  isolated.  Enemy  march- 
ing in  force  from  Toronto.  What  shall  we  do?  When  do  you 
move?"     I  sent  the  following  answer: 

"Reinforce  O'Neill  at  all  hazards;  if  he  cannot  hold  his 
position  let  him  fall  back;  send  him  and  his  men  to  Malone 
as  rapidly  as  possible  by  the  Rome  and  Watertown  roads." 

Having  found  it  impossible  to  reinforce  him  from  lack  of 
transportation — sufficient  in  the  first  place  having  been  pro- 
cured for  the  transportation  of  only  600  troops — and  from  the 
extreme  vigilance  of  the  steamer  "Michigan,"  General  O'Neill 
being  compelled  to  retire  after  gallantly  fighting  the  battle  of 
Ridgway — he  and  his  whole  command  being  seized  by  the 
U.  S.  authorities — I  immediately  dispatched  orders  to  the 
officer  in  command  at  Detroit  to  move  with  what  force  he 
could  muster  from  Port  Hudson  on  Sarnia.  By  that  movement 
we  would  have  drawn  the  enemy's  attention  in  that  direction, 
as  he  would  have  considered  it  the  advance  of  the  Western 
contingent.  This  was  not  executed.  Whether  from  lack  of 
transportation  or  disobedience  of  orders  I  know  not;  I  have 
since  been  led  to  believe  it  was  the  latter. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  campaign  opened  under  the 
most  discouraging  circumstances;  nor  did  the  prospect  brighten 
when  I  arrived  at  Potsdam,  Maione  and  St.  Albans.  This  was 
the  most  important  division  of  the  army,  that  with  which  I 
intended  to  occupy  Montreal  and  Lower  Canada.  I  here 
ordered  seventeen  regiments  of  infantry  and  five  of  cavalry 
(the  average  number  of  men  in  each  regiment  according  to  the 
latest  report,  was  800.  This  would  give  me  a  force  of  16,800 
men,  but  I  calculated  that  not  more  than  8,000  would  arrive 
in  time  to  take  part  in  the  first  movement).  I  gave  ample 
time  for  these  regiments  to  arrive  on  the  2nd  of  June  in  order 
to  cross  into  Canada  on  that  day.  But  judge  of  my  surprise 
on  arriving  at  the  front  on  the  4th,  to  find  that  scarcely  1,000 
men  had  reported  to  the  general  commanding  the  right  wing 
of  the  army. 

The  material  of  war  to  furnish  my  soldiers  was  forwarded 
in  disguised  cases  to  the  different  towns  on  the  railways  lead- 
ing into  Canada,  such  as  St.  Albans,  Malone  and  Potsdam;  and 
for  operations  on  the  Lakes  my  depots  were  established  at 
Chicago,  C  eveland,  Erie  and  Buffalo. 

The  muskets  were  purchased  at  Bridesburg  Arsenal,  Phila- 
delphia, and  the  ammunition  at  Watervliet  Arsenal,  Troy. 
Calibre,  .58.  The  United  States  Government,  in  selling  thes3 
stores  to  my  agents,  was  perfectly  well  aware  of  the  purpose 
for  which  they  were  intended,  and  their  willingness  in  allow- 
ing these  sales  to  be  made,  together  with  the  sympathy  ex- 
pressed for  us  by  individuals  in  eminent  positions  at  Wash- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  261 

ington,  caused  me  to  be  totally  unprepared  for  the  treacherous 
seizure  of  our  arms  and  ammunition,  which  rendered  a  suc- 
cessful movement  into  Canada  hopeless,  at  that  time. 

I  submit  the  action  of  the  Executive  to  the  liberty-loving 
people  of  the  United  States,  and  I  am  mistaken  in  their  char- 
acter and  generous  and  manly  sentiments,  if  they  award  their 
approval  to  the  Government  having  permitted  its  marshals  and 
other  civil  oflEicials  to  play  the  role  of  British  detectives.  The 
virulent  and  pertinacious  manner  in  which  these  duties  were 
performed  at  Buffalo  and  some  other  points,  even  before  orders 
were  issued  from  Washington,  has  raised  suspicion  that  the 
benign  influence  of  the  British  Treasury  had  extended  itself 
across  the  frontier. 

As  to  the  U.  S.  Army,  it  was  practically  placed  at  the  hands 
of  the  British  generals,  and  one  detachment  under  Lieut.  Col. 
Bvt.  La  Rhett  L.  Livingston,  of  the  3rd  Artillery,  permitted 
a  British  force  to  march  into  United  States  territory,  in 
Older  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  some  stragglers  left  behind  after 
the  final  evacuation.  After  crossing  United  States  ground,  by 
the  verbal  permission  of  this  American  officer,  they  sabred 
some  of  the  unarmed  men  under  his  very  eyes. 

I  was  arrested  in  St.  Albans  at  midnight  on  the  6th  of  June, 
together  with  Colonel  Mechan,  my  chief  of  staff,  just  as  I  had 
completed  my  arrangements  to  cross  the  frontier  with  my 
command  at  daylight  the  next  morning.  General  Spear,  being 
absent  purchasing  provisions  for  the  troops,  eluded  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  United  States  officers,  and  escaping  arrest,  crossed 
into  Canada  on  the  7th  in  accordance  with  orders  received 
before  my  arrest,  and  continued  to  keep  up  communications 
with  me  during  subsequent  operations,  which  were  carried  on 
under  my  orders. 

Previous  to  my  arrest,  I  sent  Mr.  Roche  with  dispatches  to 
you  with  instructions  to  place  at  my  disposal  in  one  of  the 
New  York  banks  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops  and  the  pay- 
ment of  transportation,  a  certain  amount  of  money,  to  which 
I  received  no  answer. 

Before  closing  this  report,  I  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention 
to  the  operations  inaugurated  on  the  Pacific  Coast: 

On  the  11th  of  February  last,  I  ordered  Col.  P.  F,  Walsh 
to  California,  to  make  San  Francisco  hjs  Headquarters,  and 
organize  a  military  movement  in  that  Department.  I  made 
him  the  bearer  of  sealed  dispatches  to  certain  prominent 
persons  there,  belonging  to  our  organization,  with  instructions 
to  organize  that  contingent  to  act  simultaneously  with  our 
movement  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  They  were  to  seize 
and  occupy  Victoria,  in  British  America,  from  which  place 
privateers  could  be  sent  out  to  prey  upon  British  commerce  in 
the  Pacific.  I  received  a 'letter  from  that  Department,  dated 
the  26th  of  April,  and  on  the  30th  of  May  sent  him  a  dispatch 
instructing  him  how  to  act.  A  copy  of  both  are  herewith 
respectfully  submitted. 

The  immediate  cause  of  our  failure  is   attributable  to  the 


262  APPENDIX    TO 

seizure  of  our  arms  and  ammunition  by  the  Government  au- 
thorities; and  the  remote  cause,  to  the  misrepresentations 
made  by  the  colonels  of  the  regiments  respecting  their  effective 
force,  and  their  failure  to  report  promptly  when  the  orders 
were  issued.  However,  our  success  would  have  been  certain, 
even  with  the  number  of  men  that  we  had,  if  they  had  received 
their  arms,  ammunition  and  equipments,  as  reinforcements 
were  coming  rapidly  to  the  front.  But  even  this  was  paralyzed 
by  the  Government,  as  it  took  possession  of  the  railroads 
leading  to  the  points  of  rendezvous,  and  also  the  telegraph 
lines,  cutting  off  all  our  supplies  and  means  of  communication, 
several  of  our  men  being  turned  off  the  cars  while  traveling 
as  passengers  without  arms  or  equipments. 

Our  officers  and  men  behaved  admirably  under  the  trying  cir- 
cumstances in  which  they  were  placed  and  the  privations  in 
many  instances  which  they  were  compelled  to  suffer,  To  select 
any  for  special  praise  where  all,  with  few  exceptions,  behaved 
so  bravely,  might  seem  invidious,  but  I  cannot  refrain  from 
noticing  the  splendid  manner  in  which  Generals  Spear  and 
O'Neill  carried  out  their  instructions;  being  ably  supported 
by  Brigadier  Generals  Murphy,  Mahan,  Heffernan,  and  Colonels 
Warren,  Eason,  and  many  others  whose  names  I  cannot  now 
remember. 

I  must  also  call  your  attention  to  the  valuable  services 
rendered  by  Lieut.  Col.  S.  R.  Tresilian,  Acting  Chief  Engineer, 
Colonel  Mechan,  holding  that  position,  being  arrested  at  the, 
same  time  with  myself;  also  of  Captains  John  Fallon  and  W.  J. 
Hynes,  of  my  staff,  and  Colonels  O'Connor  and  Contri,  and 
Captains  Maguire  and  Lonegan. 

It  is  now  my  painful  duty  to  say  that  I  was  compelled  to 
issue  special  order  dismissing  three  members  of  my  staff: 
Brig.  Gen.  C.  C.  Tevis,  Adjutant  General,  for  disobedience  of 
orders;  Colonel  Arundel,  Chief  of  Ordnance,  and  Major  Van 
Brunt,  for  desertion  in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain. 

Yours  respectfully, 

T.  W.  SWEENY, 
Secretary  of  War,  F.  B. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  263 

LXXIX 
AMERICAN  NOTIONS  OF  NEUTRALITY. 

Grave  reflections  spring  from  the  dangerous  move  into 
Canada  of  Roberts  and  Sweeny,  which  was  not  merited  by 
the  ridiculous  tomfoolery  of  O'Mahony  and  Killian  at  Campo- 
bello.  Among  these  reflections,  the  most  obvious  regard  the 
role  played  by  the  American  Government. 

If  there  be  any  such  thing  in  international  courtesy  as 
"heaping  coals  of  fire  on  an  enemy's  head,"  the  performance 
has  been  achieved  by  our  Government  for  the  benefit  of  both 
Great  Britian  and  her  colonies.  When  the  United  States  was 
in  distress,  and  the  standard  of  revolt  raised  against  law,  under 
the  pretense  of  waging  war — as  with  the  Fenians  in  Canada — 
what  did  Great  Britain  do?  Her  Government  rushed  with 
shameful  haste  to  declare  the  Union  dissolved,  to  officially 
annonuce  the  rebellion  as  a  success,  and  to  brand  the  Republic 
as  the  "late  Union,"  as  is  well  known.  Her  flag  floated  hence- 
forth in  honor  of  the  insurgent  victories.  In  her  docks  was 
built,  equipped,  armed,  manned  and  thence  sailed,  every  ship 
in  the  Confederate  cruising  navy.  Her  Armstrong  guns,  which 
money  counld  not  buy  except  for  allies,  were  found,  free  gifts, 
in  Confederate  earthworks.  Her  powder,  small  arms,  projectiles, 
her  stores,  supplies  and  manufactures,  were  furtively  thrust 
into  every  open  inlet  on  the  Southern  coast.  Her  Alabamas 
and  Shenandoahs  ruined  our  commerce.  Crews  from  her 
training-ships  manned  the  64-pounders  from  her  foundries  over 
which  rebel  colors  floated;  and  not  content  with  that,  her 
greyhounds  were  ready  to  snatch  from  our  sailors  the  very 
captives  they  had  won  in  fight.  Before  it  was  even  asked,  much 
more  expected,  recognition  of  their  belligerency  was  profusely 
thrust  on  the  rebels,  and  the  pacific  ally  of  a  round  half  century 
was  spurned  in  a  day. 

What — now  when  the  Irish  Republic  "secedes"  from  Great 
Britain,  proclaims  itself  a  nation,  puts  50,000  troops  in  the 
field,  attacks  and  carries  a  point  of  operations  of  the  enemy's 
Eoil,  defeats  his  best  volunteer  troops  in  fair  fight,  and  claims 
recognition  as  a  successful  belligerent — What  does  America  do? 
Does  she  sneakingly  complain  of  the  inefficiency  of  the  neu- 
trality laws,  as  did  Lord  John  Russell  and  the  whole  Gov- 
ernment and  press  of  England  at  his  back?  Does  she  argue 
how  hard  it  is  to  be  neutral,  and  then  seek  to  take  advantage 
of  her  own  wrong  and  negligence?  She  puts  her  entire 
available  army  under  marching  orders;  her  cutters  patrol  the 
line  of  lake  and  river;  her  State  police  and  militia  force  are 
called  into  requisition;  her  Attorney  General  orders  his  sub- 
ordinates and  marshals  to  arrest  all  violators  of  the  neutrality 
laws  (an  unwarrantable  stretch  of  authority  in  favor  of  Great 
Britain);  her  prominent  generals  in  propinquous  districts,  De- 
partments and  divisions — Generals  Hooker,  Barry,  Meade,  and 


264  APPENDIX    TO 

Lieutenant  General  Grant  himself,  hurry  to  the  scene;  the 
President  issues  a  sweeping  and  crushing  condemnation  of 
Fenianism.  By  these  acts,  while  the  Fenians  are  at  the  flood 
of  conquest,  they  are  checked.  Their  rear  assailed,  their  sup- 
plies are  cut  off,  their  troops  overcome  and  dispersed,  all  their 
arms  and  munitions  captured,  and  the  whole  campaign  ended — 
all  by  the  United  States.  The  Canada  from  which  we  have  thus 
turned  the  tide  of  invasion  was  the  same  country  which  had, 
within  five  years,  a  chance  to  show  us  its  notions  of  neutrality. 
It  was  a  base  of  insurgent  operation.  There  were  concocted  the 
various  schemes  of  assassinating  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
Union  and  his  leading  generals,  and  there  subscriptions  for 
paying  their  expenses  were  collected.  Thence  came,  and  thither 
escaped  again,  the  hellish  villains  who  tried  to  fire  peaceful 
Northern  cities,  without  a  word  of  warning;  beginning  first 
with  hotels  and  theatres,  because  most  densely  packed  with 
men,  women  and  children.  On  that  very  Vermont  line,  and 
over  the  self  same  roads  where  General  Meade  suppressed  the 
great  Fenian  invasion,  occurred  the  St.  Albans  raid,  and  the 
robbing  of  our  banks  and  citizens  by  bands  organized  in 
Canada,  winked  at  by  Canadian  constabulary,  and  after  an 
ostentatious  arrest,  set  free,  with  all  their  plunder,  by  Canadian 
Justice  Counsels. 

We  assume,  of  course,  that  it  was  the  United  States  which 
demolished  Fenianism,  and  not  Great  Britain.  Cansrda  did, 
indeed,  put  troops  into  the  field,  but  at  the  first  encounter  they 
were  whipped  to  pieces  m  two  hours  by  an  equal  or  lesser 
number  of  Fenians.  The  situation  of  Canada,  after  the  skir- 
mish at  Ridgway,  was  really  pitiable.  Colonel  Booker  had  with 
him  two  full  regiments  of  first  class  Canadian  volunteers  in 
that  affair,  of  whom  one,  the  Queen's  Own,  was  well  known 
to  be  the  best  volunteer  regiment  in  all  Canada.  At  first 
they  advanced  very  gallantly,  but  for  the  veteran  Fenians — 
heroes  of  such  campaigns  as  the  Peninsula,  Shiloh,  Fredericks- 
burg, Chancellorsville,  Spotsylvania,  and  Cold  Harbor — the 
sputtering  of  a  few  rifles  only  made  the  blood  mount.  Actually 
less  in  number,  they  cleared  the  field  of  their  enemies  in  a 
trice — and  some  of  them  will  repay  that  infliction  of  disgrace 
by  a  felon's  death.  Thenceforward  little  reliance  was  placed 
in  the  vollinteer  troops  against  the  Fenian  veterans.  If  the 
Queen's  Own  could  not  stand,  no  similar  regiment  could.  From 
Toronto  to  Halifax  went  up  cries  of  "Hurry  along  the  Regu- 
lars," and  "Send  us  Armstrong  guns."  That  Montreal  which  was 
once  full  of  maledictions  and  plots  against  "the  late  Union," 
was  quivering  with  fear — was  declaring  it  a  shame  for  dis- 
satisfied men  to  rise  up  against  a  good  government — and  hoping 
as  far  as  a  guilty  conscience  would  allow  them  to  hope,  for 
the  interference  of  "the  late  Union"  against  the  Irish.  The 
excitement  was  intense  when  it  was  rumored — not  without 
cause — that  not  even  all  of  the  Regulars  could  be  relied  on. 
As  it  was,  there  were  but  few  regiments  in  the  country;  very 
few    for    so    enormous    a   line.      In    one    word,    had    America 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  265 

exhibited  British  neutrality  in  this  matter,  and  the  Fenians 
had  been  allowed  to  get  arms,  munitions,  trains  and  supplies 
up  to  the  border;  had  not  revenue  cutters  with  shotted  guns 
swept  their  line  of  communication  with  the  rear,  Sweeny  could 
have  flung  his  columns  over  the  border  wherever  he  liked, 
and  before  Autumn  turned  the  sterile  earth  of  Canada  as  red 
with  blood  as  the  battle-ploughed  soil  of  Virginia. — "Army  and 
Navy  Journal,"  June  16.  1866. 


266        •  APPENDIX    TO 

LXXX 

THE   INVASION   OF  CANADA. 

The  following  account  of  the  events  leading  up  to  the 
invasion  of  Canada,  together  with  a  description  of  the  strength 
of  the  Canadian  armament,  was  written  by  Mr.  William  Mont- 
gomery Sweeny,  son  of  General  Sweeny,  and  printed  in  the 
"New  York  Sunday  News"  of  June  18th,  1893. 


Editor  of  the  News:  I  have  read  with  much  interest  Major 
Fitzpatrick's  article  entitled  "Invading  Canada"  in  ihe  Sunday 
News  of  May  28,  and  beg  to  make  a  few  additions. 

The  plan  for  the  invasion  of  Canada,  was  not,  as  some  may 
suppose,  gotten  up  to  suit  the  exigencies  of  the  moment;  but 
was  the  result  of  many  years  of  careful  study  on  the  part  of 
Gen.  T.  W.  Sweeny,  and  to  which  he  devoted  the  knowledge 
of  military  life  he  had  acquired  in  the  Mexican  War,  among 
the  Indians  of  the  West  and  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion. 

As  long  ago  as  1858,  he  met  James  Stephens,  who  was  intro- 
duced to  him  as  "Captain  Daly,"  and  Colonel  Doheny  at  the 
home  of  the  latter,  to  discuss  the  feasibility  of  an  uprising 
in  Ireland.  After  hearing  the  statement  of  Mr.  Stephens  as 
to  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Ireland,  General  Sweeny  vigor- 
ously opposed  making  any  attempt  at  revolution  in  Ireland. 
He  declared  that  "any  attempt  at  revolution  without  adequate 
military  preparation  and  resources  would  be  futile  and  dis- 
astrous." 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  in  which  Sweeny 
played  a  conspicuous  part,  particularly  at  Shiloh,  where  he 
received  the  thanks  of  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman  for  having  "saved 
the  day,"  he  hastened  to  submit  his  plan  and  offer  his  services 
to  the  Pittsburg  Convention,  both  of  which  were  almost  unani- 
mously adopted.  In  an  address  written  shortly  after  accepting 
the  position  of  Secretary  of  War  and  General  Commanding  the 
Armies  of  Ireland,  General  Sweeny  outlined  the  plan  which  was 
submitted  to  the  convention,  laying  particular  stress  on  the 
results  likely  to  follow  an  uprising  in  Ireland.  In  this  address 
he  says: 

"The  most  reliable  accounts  from  Ireland  have  convinced  me 
that  our  friends  there  are  totally  unprepared  with  the  material 
means  necessary  to  contend,  with  any  show  of  success,  against 
the  British  troops,  and  that  to  excite  an  insurrection  at  present 
would  be  but  to  provoke  a  wholesale  massacre,  in  which  thou- 
sands of  brave  lives  would  be  sacrificed  in  a  useless  struggle. 

"The  seizure  of  the  steamer  Meteor  in  New  York  harbor  on 
the  mere  suspicion  of  her  being  a  Chilian  privateer  will  show 
the  impracticability  of  attempting  to  fit  out  in  any  United 
States  port  an  expedition  of  sufficient  proportions  to  be  of 
any  real  assistance  to  our  brothers  in  Ireland,  and  the  capture 
during  the  month  of  January  of  the  21  armed  Fenians  who  dis- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS. 


2(yy 


BRIG.   GEN'L   THOMAS   W.    SWEENY,   U.  S.  A. 
Photograph  taken  when  Captain  and  U.  S.  Infantry,  by  Brady  in  1861. 


268  APPENDIX    TO 

embarked  near  the  harbor  of  Sligo  will  prove  the  criminal  folly 
of  sending  over  small  detachments. 

"By  the  examination  of  the  letter  books  of  the  late  Acting 
Adjutant  General  P.  J.  Dowling,  which  are  submitted  for  your 
inspection,  it  will  be  seen  that  no  definite  plan  of  action  had 
been  adopted,  but  that  the  policy  as  represented  by  him  was, 
'to  wait  until  something  should  turn  up.' 

"Firm  in  my  belief  that  we  were  strong  enough  to  make  the 
opportunity,  not  to  wait  for  it,  I  determined  to  act  at  once,  and 
in  that  quarter  where  victory  was  most  vulnerable,  and  where 
victory  would  give  us  the  most  real  positive  advantage;  and  I 
determined  to  attack  Canada. 

"In  order  to  project  the  plan  of  campaign,  a  full  and  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  enemy's  strength,  position  and  resources  is 
indispensable,  and  of  this  information  I  have  been  put  in 
possession  by  the  reports  of  my  own  secret  agents  and  by  those 
made  by  British  officials  to  their  Government. 

"The  Canadian  frontier,  extending  from  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  River  to  Lake  Huron,  a  distance  of  more  than 
1,300  miles,  is  assailable  at  all  points.  In  some  places  this 
frontier  is  constituted  by  a  line  visible  only  on  a  map;  in 
others  it  is  a  navigable  inland  sea;  in  others  the  bank  of  a 
river  or  the  shore  of  a  lake,  and  coincident  with  it  runs  the 
frontier  of  the  United  States.  English  writers  admit  its  vulner- 
ability, and  also  admit  the  'the  Americans  of  the  Northern 
States  are  the  only  enemies  whom  England  has  to  fear' — and 
it  is  through  and  from  these  Northern  States,  whose  sympathy 
with  us  and  whose  hostility  to  England  is  undoubted,  that  our 
expeditionary  army  must  march  to  the  invasion  and  conquest  of 
Canada. 

"In  1862  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  in  view  of  the  possibility 
of  a  rupture  with  the  United  States,  addressed  the  following 
communication  to  the  Canadian  Government: 

"  'In  the  event  of  a  war  with  the  United  States,  Canada  will 
naturally  become  a  point  of  attack  from  those  zealous  advocates 
of  increased  sovereignty,  which  they  term  the  "Monroe  Doc- 
trine." and  no  body  of  troops  which  England  can  send  to  her 
American  Colonies  will  suffice  to  make  Canada  safe,  without 
the  hearty  concurrence  of  the  Canadians  themselves.  With 
150,000  local  troops,  joined  to  what  assistance  the  Home  Gov- 
ernment can  furnish,  our  possessions  will  be  secure,  with  less, 
we  shall  be  pent  up,  in  our  fortified  towns  and  be  destroyed 
in  detail.  Garrisons  must  be  established  as  follows  to  secure 
our  strongholds:  Quebec,  10,000;  Montreal.  30,000;  Kingston, 
20,000;  Ottawa,  5,000.  Thirty-five  thousand  more  will  be  needed 
for  field  operations,  between  Lake  Ontario  and  Quebec,  and 
with  less  than  60,000  more  good  troops  our  Western  District 
cannot  be  protected.'  " 

In  conseauence  of  this  recommendation  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced by  the  Hon.  John  Macdonald,  empowering  the  Colonial 
Government  to  enroll  50.000  men  who  should  be  called  out 
for  twelve  days'  annual  drill  during  three  years,  but  so  little 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  269 

interest  was  felt  by  the  Parliament  in  the  matter  that  the 
bill  was  rejected,  and  instead  another  was  adopted  giving  to 
the  Government  permission  to  enroll  all  unmarried  men  for  six 
days'  annual  drill.  An  appropriation  was  made  in  each  of  the 
years  1864  and  1865  to  cover  the  necessary  expenses  of  the 
measure,  but,  so  far,  the  official  reports  show  that  less  than 
10,000  men  have  been  in  attendance  on  the  drills,  out  of  the 
197,000  militia  actually  borne  on  the  muster  rolls  of  the  two 
provinces.  Within  the  last  three  years  volunteer  companies 
and  battalions  have  been  raised,  the  strength  of  which  is, 
according  to  the  last  returns  of  the  deputy  adjutants  general 
to  the  Governor  General,  Lord  Monk,  25,000  men,  divided  into 
six  mounted  batteries,  ten  companies  heavy  artillery,  two  com- 
panies engineers,  fourteen  companies  cavalry,  fifteen  companies 
infantry  and  eighty-two  riflemen,  all  of  whom  have  certified  to 
the  performance  of  twelve  days'  annual  drill. 

"In  the  arsenals  are  stored  50,000  Enfield  rifles,  seven  six- 
pounder  field  batteries,  four  batteries  of  eightecn-pounders  and 
two  batteries  of  twenty-pounder  Armstrong  guns,  with  large 
supplies  of  ammunition  and  military  stores,  besides  a  large 
number  of  old-fashioned  brass  field  pieces  and  howitzers,  not 
enumerated  in  the  above  statement.  But,  until  warned  of  their 
danger  by  the  public  discussions  of  the  last  two  months,  there 
was  not  a  single  regiment  of  militia  or  volunters  which  had 
ever  been  assembled  as  a  battalion,  or  drilled  otherwise  than 
by  detachments. 

"Canada  is  divided  into  two  military  districts — the  Eastern, 
under  the  command  of  Major  General  Lindsay,  headquarters 
at  Montreal;  and  the  Western,  under  General  Napier,  head- 
quarters at  Kingston.  The  entire  force  of  regular  troops  in 
the  Eastern  District  consists  of  five  battalions  and  a  half  of 
infantry,  three  companies  of  engineers  and  five  batteries  of  the 
Royal  Artillery,  in  all  about  4,500  men,  who  are  distribtited  as 
follows:  Quebec,  1,750;  Montreal,  2,250;  Chambly,  200;  St. 
Johns,  150;  Isle-au-Noix,  150. 

"Isle-au-Noix  is  the  point  nearest  to  the  American  frontier 
and  is  considered  as  the  advance  outpost  of  Montreal,  but  on 
the  line  between  St.  Regis  and  St.  Johns  there  is  no  military 
post.  This  district  extends  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Ottawa  River, 
comprising  also  the  section  of  country  south  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence. 

"The  Western  District,  extending  from  the  Ottawa  River  to 
the  western  boundary  of  Canada,  lies  to  the  north  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Great  Lakes  and  is  considered  from  its 
position,  as  more  easily  defensible  than  the  Eastern  District, 
which  has  no  natural  objects  to  oppose  an  invasion.  Its  gar- 
rison consists  of  3,000  regular  troops,  composed  of  three  and 
a  half  battalions  of  infantry,  four  batteries  of  artillery  and 
two  companies  of  engineers,  which  are  stationed,  in  Kingston, 
550;  Toronto,  950;  Hamilton,  350;  London,  700,  and  in  Sarnia, 
Windsor,  Sandwich,  Niagara  and  Chippewa,  450.  Of  this  dis- 
trict, Sarnia,  opposite  Port  Huron,  Sandwich  and  Windsor,  a 


270  APPENDIX    TO 

little  below  Detroit,  and  Niagara  and  Chippewa,  on  the  Niagara 
River,  are  the  outposts. 

"General  Mitchell,  commander-in-chief  of  the  two  districts, 
has  his  headquarters  at  Montreal,  and  can  dispose,  in  addition 
to  the  above,  of  all  the  volunteer  and  militia  contingents  of 
both  Provinces,  the  present  fighting  force  of  which  is  in  Lower 
Canada:  Regulars,  4,500;  volunteers,  10,230;  militia,  4,000; 
and  in  Upper  Canada:  Regulars,  3,000;  volunteers,  14,780, 
and  militia,  6,000,  making  a  total  of  18,730  in  Lower  Canada, 
and  of  23,780  in  Upper  Canada,  for  the  concentration  of  which 
during  the  summer  at  any  given  point,  the  enemy  can  use,  not 
only  the  Grand  Trunk  Railroad,  with  its  branches,  but  also 
the  St.  LaAvrence  and  Ottawa  Rivers,  the  Lachine,  Beauharnais, 
Rideau  and  Welland  canals  and  the  Great  Lakes,  which  can  be 
protected  and  kept  open  by  means  of  gunboats.  During  the 
winter  he  is  restricted  to  his  railroad  communication  only. 

"The  fortifications  of  Quebec  and  Kingston  are  the  only 
ones  admitted  by  the  British  military  engineers  to  be  in  a  good 
state  of  defense,  and  preparations  have  been  made  to 
strengthen  them  by  earthworks  and  intrenched  camps  at  Sar- 
uia,  London,  Stratford,  Hamilton,  Ottawa  City,  Prescott  and 
Montreal.  The  severity  of  the  winter^  however,  has  inter- 
rupted their  construction,  which  will  be  resumed  with  great 
activity  as  soon  as  the  spring  shall  have  set  in.  It  is,  there- 
fore, of  vital  importance  to  our  success  that  we  attack  this 
v/inter,  while  the  principal  towns  are  comparatively  defense- 
less, and  when  the  frozen  rivers  will  not  only  afford  us  the 
means  of  crossing,  but  will  prevent  the  operation  of  the 
enemy's  gunboats  agamst  us.  The  destruction  of  the  Grand 
Trunk  Railway  will  stop  all  his  reinforcements  now,  but, 
should  we  be  obliged  to  postpone  our  movement  for  three 
months  we  will  need  more  than  double  of  the  means  and 
forces  now  sufiicient  to  secure  our  success. 

"Canada  is  shaped  somewhat  like  an  hour-glass;  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  line  dividing  its  centre,  near  Montreal,  will  cut  the 
provinces  in  two,  and  by  isolating  the  Western  District  give  us 
entire  command  of  the  enemy's  line  of  communication  and 
supplies. 

"From  the  opposition  of  the  people  of  the  Eastern  Province 
we  have  nothing  to  apprehend.  They  were  positively  neutral 
during  the  invasions  of  1775  and  1812,  and  the  arrogance  of 
British  troops  has  only  embittered  the  aversion  which,  as 
Frenchmen,  they  have  always  felt  toward  the  conquerors  of 
their  forefathers.  In  Canada  West  the  garrisons  are  small  and 
widely  separated,  and  even  the  sympathy  of  their  friends  the 
Orangemen  will  be  of  little  real  avail  when  cut  off  from  all 
assistance  from  without.  They  must  remain  in  their  fortified 
towns,  until  compelled  to  surrender  in  detail,  or  they  will  be 
cut  to  pieces  by  our  troops  whenever  they  attempt  to  move 
cut  with  a  view  to  concentrate  in  the  field.  It  is  impossible 
to  state  now  precisely  when  and  where  I  will  commence  my 
attack;   the  first  will  depend  upon  the  means  put  at  my  dis- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  271 

posal  by  this  Congress  to  arm  and  equip  my  troops;  the  second 
must  be  modified  by  the  dispositions  made  by  the  enemy;  the 
vast  extent  and  consequent  weakness  of  his  line  of  defense 
offers  us  the  choice  of  fifty  points,  and  the  frozen  state  of  the 
rivers  every  facility  for  reaching  them,  and  where  he  is  weak- 
est and  least  prepared,  there  will  I  strike  him  first.  But  of 
the  general  features  of  the  plan  I  can  state  this  much. 

"First.  By  a  column  from  Detroit  to  cut  the  Great  Western 
Railroad,  to  menace  London  and  prevent  the  concentration  of 
troops  from  the  frontier  posts  at  that  point,  and  to  occupy 
Fort  Stanley,  thus  securing  us  a  port  on  Lake  Erie,  where  we 
could  receive  supplies  and  reinforcements  and  operate  against 
British  commerce  on  that  lake. 

"Second.  By  a  column  across  the  Niagara  River  against 
Hamilton,  which  would  hold  or  destroy  the  Welland  Canal, 
thus  interrupting  all  naval  communication  between  Lakes 
Erie  and  Ontario;  cut  off  the  garrisons  at  Fort  Erie  and 
Chippewa,  and  prevent  the  expedition  of  troops  either  west- 
ward or  toward  Toronto. 

"Third.  By  a  column  from  some  point  near  Ogdensburgh  to 
seize  and  hold  Brockville  and  Prescott,  and  to  move  at  once 
by  the  line  of  the  Prescott  and  Ottawa  Railroad  upon  Ottawa 
City,  which  is  without  fortifications  and  only  defended  by 
five  companies  of  volunteers  recruited  from  the  Government 
clerks  and  employees,  and  known  as  the  Civil  Service  Batta- 
lion. Here  are  the  buildings  and  archives  of  the  government, 
and  here  we  shall  secure  a  number  of  important  personages 
v/ho  will  serve  as  hostages  for  our  brothers  now  lying  in 
English  jails. 

"Fourth.  By  a  column  along  the  line  of  the  New  York  and 
Montreal  Railroad  in  the  direction  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to 
threaten  Montreal  and  to  obtain  possession  of  the  point  where 
the  bridge  of  the  Grand  Trunk  Railroad  spans  the  Ottawa 
River  at  Perrot  Island. 

"Fifth.  By  a  small  expedition,  which,  crossing  the  boundary 
of  the  State  of  Maine,  could  destroy  the  Metis  road  and  effec- 
tually stop  the  march  of  any  reinforcements  from  Nova  Scotia 
or  New  Brunswick  in  the  direction  of  Quebec. 

"These  attacks  made  simultaneously  on  the  flanivs  and  on 
the  centre,  will  prevent  the  concentrating  of  the  enemy's. 
troops  and  will  enable  me  to  command  all  his  lines  of  com- 
munication and  supply,  while  the  destruction  of  his  railroad 
horn  them  for  our  own  use,  will  entirely  separate  tne  two  prov- 
inces. The  country  is  rich  and  will  subsist  our  forces  until 
the  reinforcements,  which  I  am  sure  the  sound  of  the  first  gun 
will  bring  into  the  field,  shall  have  assembled.  With  strong 
garrisons  in  my  rear  to  cover  my  depots  and  secure  my  com- 
munications with  my  base  of  supplies,  I  shall  then  move  east- 
ward on  Quebec,  which,  although  a  very  formidable  fortress, 
is  by  no  means  impregnable  to  the  resources  of  modern  artil- 
lery and  engineering,  provided  we  can  attack  this  winter,  while 
the  garrison  is  numerically  too  weak  to  man  all  the  works^ 


272  APPENDIX    TO 

and  when  the  arrival  of  reinforcements,  which  must  be  con- 
veyed from  St.  Johns  and  Halifax  in  sleighs  over  a  road 
which  for  four  days  traverses  the  snows  of  the  wilderness  of 
New  Brunswick,  can  be  prevented  by  a  small  raid  from  the 
frontier  of  Maine. 

"Of  Canada  West  I  say  but  little;  it  will  be  cut  off  from 
outward  support,  and  left  to  its  own  resources  will  soon  fall 
entirely  into  our  hands.  But,  with  the  harbor  and  fortress  of 
Quebec  in  our  possession,  and  with  the  revenues  of  the  Canadas 
to  pay  our  expenses,  we  can  confidently  look  forward  to  the 
realization  of  our  dreams  of  fitting  out  an  expedition  to  the 
phores  of  Ireland.  We  shall  have  won  glory  and  credit  for 
our  cause,  and  silenced  the  cavilings  of  our  enemies,  and  we 
shall  have  gained  the  active  sympathies  of  thousands,  who 
have  only  hesitated  so  far  to  aid  us  with  their  praises  and  their 
influence  because  they  feared  that  our  schemes  were  chimerical 
and  without  practical  solution." 

That  the  Canadian  ]nvasion  plan  was  not  considered  as 
"chimerical  and  without  practical  solution,"  is  evinced  by  an 
article  written  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Ridgway  by  a  recog- 
nized military  authority,  Colonel  Church,  of  the  Army  and 
Navy  Journal.  It  may  also  be  interesting  to  note  the  opinion 
of  the  aged  Hungarian  patriot.  Louis  Kossuth,  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  securing  freedom  for  Ireland,  as  expressed  to  a  corre- 
spondent of  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette,  and  printed  in  its  issue  of 
May  11,  1893,  to  whom  he  expressed  himself  as  follows: 

"It  has  been  said  that  the  situation  in  Ireland  is  comparable 
to  that  of  Hungary,  and  some  eminent  Englishmen  have  asked 
my  opinion  in  regard  to  that  assertion.  My  answer  is  that  it 
is  false.  The  Austrians  never  conquered  Hungary  as  the  Eng- 
lish conquered  Ireland.  Hungary  merely  made  a  pact  with  the 
House  of  Hapsburg  for  the  sake  of  neighborly  association. 
Ireland,  on  the  contrary,  was  conquered  by  force  of  arms,  and 
can  only  be  delivered  by  force  of  arms." 

Respectfully  yours, 

W.  M.  SWEEN 
Astoria,  Long  Island,  June  9,  1893. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  2.-72, 

LXXXI 

THE  FENIAN  DEMONSTRATIONS 

(Reprinted  from  a  Dublin  newspaper.) 


It  is  now  some  months  since  the  occurence  of  that  dis- 
ruption of  the  Fenian  Society  in  America,  the  particular3 
of  which  must  be  familiar  to  our  readers.  Since  that  date 
the  criminations,  recriminations,  and  mutual  denunciations 
of  the  rival  leaders  have  formed  a  curious  chapter  of  intelli- 
gence, and  we  have  no  doubt  a  painful  one  to  thousands  of 
Irishmen.  Judging  from  the  facts  laid  before  the  public  in 
connection  with  the  original  dispute  and  secession,  it  seemed 
pretty  clear  that  Mr.  John  O'Mahony  and  some  of  his  adher- 
ents had  long  been  playing  a  false  and  hollow  game  towards 
the  Fenian  Society;  but  the  later  news  exhibits  these  parties 
in  a  stillmore  unfavorable  light,  and  has  caused  them  to  be 
regarded  with  positive  disgust  by  men  who  up  to  this  time 
believed  tnat  the  "Head  Centre,"  however  he  might  have 
broken  his  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Society, 
misappropriated  its  funds,  and  impeded  its  action,  was  sincere, 
at  all  events,  in  one  thing — that  is,  hostility  to  the  power 
of  England.  Recent  events  tend  to  throw  doubt  upon  Mr. 
O'Mahony's  bona  fides  even  In  this  respect;  they  induce  a 
belief  that  the  gratification  of  his  own  vanity,  the  triumph 
of  his  own  party  over  their  rivals.,  are  the  objects  he  has 
nearest  his  heart;  and  that  for  the  attainment  of  them  he 
would  not  scruple  to  bring  defeat  and  disaster  on  the  heads 
of  any  of  his  countrymen  who  might  attempt  to  injure  England 
according  to  any  programme  but  his  own. 

Our  readers  are  aware  that  the  Senate  branch  of  the  organ- 
ization, in  which  are  to  be  found  the  men  whose  integrity 
and  ability  were  the  boast  of  the  Society,  formed  the  plan 
of  capturing  Canada  from  England,  as  the  surest  and  wisest 
way  of  inaugurating  a  war  for  che  liberation  of  Ireland.  For 
this  course  they  showed  abundant  reasons,  from  a  military 
point  of  view.  At  war  with  the  English  power  in  Canada, 
they  could  claim  from  the  American  Government  recognition 
as  belligerents;  in  the  harbors  of  Canada  they  would  be  able 
to  equip  privateers  for  such  a  game  against  English  commerc3 
as  the  Alabama  played  against  the  commerce  of  America; 
at  war  in  that  country,  they  would  be  near  their  own  base  of 
supplies  while  their  enemy  would  be  far  from  his;  they 
would  also  be  near  a  great  power  whose  sympathies  would 
assuredly  be  enlisted  on  their  side  at  the  first  glimmer  of 
cuccess  upon  their  arms;  they  would  be  near  a  great,  free 
people  who,  in  any  event,  might  be  glad  to  give  them  such 
practical  assistance  as  England  habitually  gives  to  the  revo- 
lutionists of  other  countries.  Then  there  was  a  chance  of 
involving  America  and  England  in  war — a  war  which  could 
hardly  continue  without  giving  liberty  to  Ireland,  a  great  in- 


274  APPENDIX    TO 

crease  of  territory  to  the  United  States,  and  inflicting  irrepara- 
ble injury  on  the  trade,  which  is  the  basis  of  the  power  of 
England. 

With  these  and  with  many  other  arguments  did  they  sup- 
port the  policy  of  making  their  first  stroke  at  England  on 
Canadian  grounds.  Further,  they  argued  that  the  policy  of 
striking  it  in  Ireland  did  not  offer  the  faintest  chance  of 
success.  England,  being  *  at  peace  with  the  world,  could 
throw  her  whole  force  upon  the  neighboring  island,  which,  of 
all  places  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  is  that  in  which  she  could 
carry  on  hostilities  with  the  greatest  convenience  to  herself. 
Nowhere  else  could  she  send  so  large  an  army — nowhere 
else  could  she  supply  that  army  with  every  requisite  so  readily 
and  so  cheaply;  in  short,  nowhere  else  could  she  fight  with  the 
same  advantages  on  her  side. 

"I  am  ready,"  said  General  Sweeney,  "to  fight,  and,  if 
need  be,  to  die  for  Ireland,  but  it  must  be  in  connection  with 
plans  that  hold  out  a  fair  chance  of  success.  I  never  will 
ask  my  countrymen  to  follow  me  in  a  movement  which  can 
result  only  in  their  defeat.  I  will  be  no  party  to  useless 
slaughter.  Too  much  Irish  blood  has  been  already  shed  in 
vain  and  ill-considerd  projects,  and  I  do  not  wish  to  load 
the  conscience  with  one  drop  more  drawn  from  the  rich 
fountain  of  the  Irish  heart.  As  a  military  man,  I  believe  we 
can  strike  the  power  of  England  effectively  in  Canada;  and  I 
believe  a  movement  on  Ireland  or  a  rising  in  Ireland  would 
be  a  mad  endeavor.  If  any  half  a  dozen  generals  of  high 
professional  repute,  men  who  have  characters  to  lose,  will 
say  that  an  insurrection  in  Ireland,  with  such  assistance  as 
we  could  render  from  America,  would  have  any  chance  of 
succeeding,  I  will  embark  in  it;  but  my  own  military  knowledge 
and  experience  convince  me  that  no  such  men  would  pronounce 
such  an  opinion.  On  the  other  hand,  I  know  that  they  con- 
sider my  Canadian  plans  realizable,  if  the  Irish  population  in 
America  will  but  give  me  a  fair  share  of  support." 

In  such  words  did  General  Sweeny  lay  his  views  before  the 
friends  of  Ireland  in  America.  The  stamp  of  honesty  and 
common  sense  was  upon  them;  but  they  did  not  prove  agreeable 
to  Mr.  O'Mahony  and  his  party,  who  do  not  like  to  see  them- 
selves superseded  in  the  management  of  Fenian  affairs — a  line 
of  business  which  they  had  found  profitable  and  pleasant. 
They  gave  every  possible  opposition  to  the  General's  project;, 
they  denounced  it  at  public  meetings  and  in  the  press;  they 
broke  in  with  rowdyism  upon  the  meetings  which  were  being 
held  to  support  it;  they  interrupted  the  speakers  with  shouts 
and  cries;  they  fought  among  the  audience,  and  some  of  their 
number  got  taken  off  to  prison  by  the  police.  They  put  into 
circulation,  from  time  to  time,  a  whole  flight  of  falsehoods 
to  bolster  up  their  own  position.  The  fighting,  they  said, 
had  commenced  in  Ireland — were  they  to  desert  their  brothers 
in  the  field?  The  greater  part  of  the  army  were  sworn 
Fenians — were    they    to    let    that   chance    slip?     One-half   the 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  275 

British  fleet  might  be  said  to  belong  to  James  Stephens — were 
they  to  allow  it  to  revert  to  the  British  Government? 

These,  and  a  number  of  equally  veracious  statements,  they 
set  afloat  for  the  purpose  of  diverting  the  minds  of  the 
Brotherhood  from  th,e  plan  proposed  by  General  Sweieny, 
and  inducing  them  to  contribute  their  money  for  the  "direct 
move"  favored  by  Mr.  O'Mahony.  This  opposition  retarded 
considerably  the  preparations  which  were  being  made  by 
the  Senate  party,  but  did  not  stop  them.  The  month  of  April 
came  on;  the  time  fixed  by  General  Sweeny  for  the  commence- 
ment of  his  operations  drew  near;  everyone  expected  from  day 
to  day  to  hear  of  their  initiation,  when,  to  the  great  surprise 
of  the  public,  news  arrived  that  the  O'Mahony  party  them- 
selves were  demonstrating  along  the  British  frontier!  As- 
tonishing reports  of  all  they  were  preparing  to  do  were  borne 
on  the  wings  of  the  press.  Mr.  Doran  Killian,  who,  it  seems, 
has  suddenly  acquired  the  title  of  "General,"  was  reported 
massing  his  men  and  holding  a  convention  at  Eastport,  and 
a  rush  into  New  Brunswick  was  represented  as  imminent. 
Detailed  accounts  of  his  immense  preparations  for  war  were 
sent  flying  through  the  United  States  and  into  the  British 
provinces.  In  the  latter  place  they  caused  great  alarm.  De- 
fensive measures  were  hastily  adopted,  troops  were  ordered 
to  the  front,  British  gunboats  were  got  round  to  the  coast, 
and  every  istep  that  prudence  could  dictate  to  the  authorities 
in  the  threatened  territory  was  taken  at  once.  How  was  this 
action  of  the  O'Mahony  party  to  be  accounted  for?  Had  they 
united  with  General  Sweeny?  or  had  they  determined  to  take 
up  his  plans  and  act  on  them  before  he  could  move?  Thor- 
oughly as  we  distrust  the  leaders  of  the  O'Mahony  party,  we 
wondered  for  a  while  whether  something  of  this  sort  might 
not  have  been  their  intention;  but  later  advice  from  the 
States  put  a  different  complexion  on  the  affair. 

The  organs  of  the  Senate  branch  of  the  Brotherhood  state 
that  the  demonstrations  in  question  were  got  up  by  the 
O'Mahonyites  for  the  purpose  of  hastening  the  repressive 
interference  of  the  American  Government.  They  knew  the 
Government  would  interpose  for  the  preservation  of  their 
neutrality  if  once  the  aspect  of  affairs  on  the  border  became 
serious,  and  they  hoped  to  provoke  this  interposition  in  time 
to  prevent  the  Sweeny  party  from  crossing  the  frontier!  They 
have,  to  some  extent  at  least,  succeeded  in  their  design.  The 
Government  has  despatched  General  Meade  with  a  body  of 
troops  to  Eastport  to  enforce  respect  for  the  neutrality 
laws  of  the  States.  And  we  read  that  on  his  arrival  at  East- 
port  "General"  Killian  immediately  took  his  departure.  His 
work  was  done.  He  returned,  we  dare  say,  in  high  spirits  to 
Union  Square,  and  was  congratulated  by  Colonel  O'Mahony  and 
Field-Marshal  Stephen  J.  Meany  on  the  successful  accomplish- 
ment of  his  mission.  Such  is  the  patriotism,  such  is  the 
Penianism,  of  Mr.  O'Mahony  and  his  men.  They  will  suffer 
no  attack,  if  they  can  help  it,  to  be  made  by  an  Irish  force 


2/6  APPENDIX    TO 

on  the  British  power  unless  under  their  own  auspices;  they 
wish  defeat  and  disaster  to  fall  upon  any  body  of  Irishmen 
who  may  attempt  to  strike  England  anywhere  except  at  the 
point  which  they  are  pleased  to  select,  but  towards  which  they 
make  no  advance  whatever.  Doing  nothing  themselves,  except 
collecting  money,  they  wish  to  forbid  others  from  taking 
action  more  in  accordance  with  the  threats  and  the  promises 
which  the  Fenian  Society  has  for  years  been  giving  utterance. 
It  is  not  Fenians  and  Fenian  sympathizers  only  who  will 
feel  ashamed  of  those  ridiculous  and  disgraceful  proceedings. 
Men  who  do  not  believe  that  either  "wing"  or  both  "wings" 
of  the  Fenian  Society  could,  unaided,  wage  a  successful  war 
against  England  in  any  part  of  the  world,  feel  conscious 
that  as  Irishmen  they  are  touched  by  the  exhibition  of  such 
narrow-mindedness,  such  stupidity,  such  meanness  on  the  part 
of  a  body  of  their  countrymen.  The  Fenian  war  projects,  Irish 
and  Canadian,  might  be  v/ild  and  desperate,  and  from  that 
point  of  view  unjustifiable;  yet  they  be  so  conducted  as  to 
bring  on  the  Irish  name  no  other  charge  than  that  of  a  hos- 
tility to  England  so  fierce,  so  impetuous,  as  to  overbear  all 
the  calculations  of  ordinary  prudence,  a  hatred  so  intense 
as  to  send  Irishmen  surging  up  against  her  serried  ranks 
under  circumstances  which  would  insure  their  own  destruction 
rather  than  her  punishment.  Far  different  is  the  sort  of 
repute  which  Mr.  O'Mahony  and  his  followers  are,  to  the  full 
extent  of  their  power,  acquiring  for  the  Irish  character.  It  is 
neither  that  of  bravery,  nor  honesty,  nor  wisdom.  We 
forbear  to  write  the  words  by  which  it  would  be  most  ac- 
curately described. 


LXXXII 

Richmond,  Va.,  Box  1109,  February  19,  1867. 
Mr.  M.  Moynahan: 

Dear  Sir:  I  once  more  decline,  for  the  reasons  already  ex- 
plained to  you,  to  participate  in  the  Fenian  movement  as  at 
present  organized,  or  rather  disorganized.  I  disbelieve  in  the 
existence  of  any  fighting  in  Ireland,  and  in  the  possibility  of 
making  any  fight  there  while  England  continues  at  peaco. 
This  has  been  my  opinion  for  many  years.  I  have  never  yet 
joined  in  any  appeal  to  my  countrymen  in  America  to  con- 
tribute their  money  towards  any  such  premature  and  impossi- 
ble attempt.  It  is  but  wasting  their  m.eans  and,  what  is  worse, 
it  is  wasting  and  rising  up  their  patriotic  enthusiasm  and  de- 
stroying their  trust  in  the  faith  of  man. 

I  do  not  wish  either  your  branch  of  the  organization  or  that 
of  Mr.  Roberts  to  use  my  name  in  any  manner  whatever. 
Respectfully  yours, 

JOHN  MITCHEL. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  2-]^ 

LXXXIII 

Richmond,  Va.,  Box  1109,  November  17,  1868. 
Mr.  M.  Moynahan: 

Dear  Sir:  I  have  received  yours  of  the  14th.  In  reply  I  can 
only  say  that  I  had  fully  considered  the  matter  before  the 
conversation  which  I  had  with  you  in  New  York,  and  I  cannot 
perceive  that  any  duty  calls  me,  in  the  present  circumstances, 
to  put  myself  forward  in  such  a  manner  as  would  be  inter- 
preted, and  truly  interpreted,  to  be  a  renewed  appeal  to  our 
countrymen  at  this  side  the  Atlantic  to  contribute  their  money 
for  promoting  an  insurrection  in  Ireland.  I  consider  now,  as 
I  did  before,  that  while  England  remains  at  peace — and  while 
all  hope  of  effectual  aid  from  this  side  is  now  out  of  the  ques- 
tion— an  insurrection  must  end  disastrously.  This  opinion  of 
mine  I  cannot  help — it  is  formed  upon  such  information  as  I 
have  been  able  to  procure — and,  such  being  my  opinion,  \\ 
would  not  be  conscientious  on  my  part  to  aid  m  keeping  up 
the  excited  expectation  of  immediate  and  decisive  action. 

Mr.  Stephens,  of  course,  knows  what  his  resources  are  better 
than  I  do;  yet  even  he  may  be  partly  deceiving  himself,  as  men 
of  sanguine  temperament  are  so  apt  to  do.  What  is  more,  I 
do  believe  that  he  does  deceive  himself  in  supposing  that  hs 
has  at  his  command  for  real  and  desperate  action  any  such 
mass  of  men  in  Ireland  as  would  give  the  enemy  serious 
trouble. 

It  was  needless  to  explain  to  me  that  Mr.  Stephens  was  mis- 
reported  at  Philadelphia.  Even  if  his  words  had  been  exactly 
as  they  were  printed  there  was  nothing  in  them  offensive  to 
me.  But  the  incident  showed  me  the  necessity  of  making  a 
kind  of  general  statement  as  to  what  I  had  done  with  the 
funds  intrusted  to  me.  I  never  supposed  for  a  moment  that 
he  had  meant  to  understate  the  amount  received  through  me, 
which  very  probably  he  had  kept  no  account  of — and  as  to  its 
expenditure  after  it  came  to  his  hands,  that  was  a  matter  of 
which  he  was  the  sole  judge — nor  have  I  ever  said  to  any  one 
that  I  thought  it  had  been  improperly  expended. 

In  short,  nothing  of  which  I  am  yet  aware  would  justify  me 
in  imputing  blame   to   Mr.   Stephens.     But,  with  my   present 
views  and  convictions,  I  cannot  aid  him  in  any  way. 
Truly  yours, 

JOHN  MITCHEL. 


278  APPENDIX   TO 

LXXXIV 

This  letter  was  written  by  Col.  Thomas  Kelly  while  he  was 
acting  chief  executive  of  the  Irish  Republican  Brotherhood  in 
Ireland  in  1867.     It  war^  addressed  to  General  Halpin. 


19  Grantham  Street,  Dublin,  March  12,  1867. 

My  Dear  General: — I  owe  you  an  apology  for  not  having  writ- 
ten you  specially  until  now;  but  F  know  that  you  maKe  full 
allowance  for  the  circumstances  under  which  I  have  been 
obliged  to  act  until  lately.  Little  Baldy  has  at  last  given  up 
the  ghost,  and  acknowledged  that  if  he  came  to  Ireland  the 
people  would  be  certain  to  make  short  work  of  him.  The 
rascal  is  in  Paris,  taking  his  ease  with  his  wife,  while  the  des- 
tiny of  Ireland  is  in  the  balance.  The  money  he  squeezed 
from  the  men  of  New  York,  through  you  and  others,  under  pre- 
tence that  it  was  necessary  "to  procure  a  boat."  he  coolly 
pockets,  together  with  the  proceeds  of  the  "Hopper  drafts" 
(which  I  am  almost  certain  have  been  drawn),  he  now  uses  to 
take  his  ease  in  Paris,  where  he  denounces  the  Irish-Ameri- 
cans as  "dogs,  dung  and  devil's  scum."  Mur.  and  Cos.  have 
left  him  in  complete  disgust,  recognizing  in  him  the  most  per- 
fect sample  of  a  renegade  and  traitor  to  a  great  cause.  When 
M.  denounces  him  as  an  accomplished  swindler,  just  think, 
how  basely  he  must  have  acted  toward  him.  When  I  heard 
that  you  accompanied  him  to  Sandy  Hook  I  was  at  first  disap- 
pointed, but  the  latesi  news  confirms  the  fullest  confidence  I 
had  in  your  devotion  to  the  Republican  doctrine  as  contra- 
distinguished from  the  notorious  "one-man  power."  i  now 
state  authoritatively  that  St.  is  repudiated  and  denounced  by 
the  entire  home  organization.  Look  out  for  any  future  vindi- 
cations of  himself  which  he  may  offer  to  an  American  public. 

I  do  wish  you  could  be  in  Tipperary  just  now.  I  will  be 
plain  with  you.  A  mistake  was  at  first  made  by  the  oflicer 
having  the  disposition  of  the  forces  in  that  locality,  as  well  as 
in  other  parts.  He,  however,  has  now  to  suffer  for  mistakes, 
or  rather  violations  of  orders,  and  the  less  said  about  the  mat- 
ter the  better.  However,  notwithstanding  anything  that  may 
be  said  to  the  contrary  by  the  enemy's  press,  the  work  is  being 
carried  out  according  to  instructions,  and  if  the  people  do  not 
fight  any  big  battles,  depend  upon  it,  it  is  all  owing  to  the 
faith  that  has  been  instilled  into  them  as  to  what  they  might 
expect  from  America.  At  the  worst  the  flag  will  be  kept  flying 
another  month,  and  if  by  that  time  America  shall  not  have 
done  its  duty  the  name  of  Irishmen  deservedly  should  be 
hooted  at  with  scorn.  Work  heaven  and  earth.  The  flag  is 
flying!  Good  God!  will  people  any  longer  say  they  will  give 
this  or  that  when  they  see  a  blow  struck?  Are  those  of  us 
who  hold  everything  at  stake  any  longer  to  be  guarded  against 
as  swindlers.    It  is  better  for  the  Irishman  who  does  not  now 


DENIEFFE'S    RI'XOLLECTIONS.  279 

throw  in  all  he  has  got.  or  himself,  that  he  never  was  born. 
He  is  a  renegade — an  imposter— a  traitor,  show  him  no  quarter. 
Let  the  names  be  published.  When  I  think  of  the  ponderous 
immense  work  that  has  been  done  on  £1,500  I  have  no  word 
of  patience  for  the  rich  Irish-Americans  who  have  refused  us 
aid.  Make  them  contribute  largely  now,  or  let  them  be  forever 
marked.  I  do  believe  that  with  £5,000  to  begin  with  instead 
of  what  I  had  the  work  of  upsetting  the  BriWsh  power  would 
be  as  simple  as  rolling  off  a  log. 

I  am  almost  out  of  mind  to  know  what  could  have  been 
done  with  a  little  more  money,  and  which  was  obliged  to  be 
left  undone.  Yet,  if  the  means  arrive  in  time,  it  is  not  yet, 
perhaps,  too  late.  We  now  begin  to  realize  fully  the  madness 
of  Macle's  attack  on  Chester.  But  for  that  unfortunate  affair 
we  would  have  been  in  a  position  completely  to  surprise  the 
government.  It  was  undertaken  against  the  positive  wish  of 
the  Provisional  Government;  and  no  matter  what  may  be  said 
in  its  favor,  it  was  nothing  short  of  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
that  individual  to  make  an  individual  reputation.  When  done 
legitimately,  this  is  well  enough:  but  when  he  undertook  to 
force  his  ideas  on  every  officer  who  came  over  here,  and  when 
they  all  repudiated  his  plans  and  the  authority  which  he 
endeavored  to  force  upon  them,  it  was,  to  use  the  mildest 
expression,  unpatriotic  in  the  extreme.  However,  he  is  now  in 
durance,  and  we  must  look  upon  the  fiasco,  however  much 
injury  it  may  have  done,  as  in  the  mildest  possible  light. 

A  council  of  at  least  three  ought  to  be  in  session  in  Paris 
or  Brussels.  If  I  had  the  advice  of  such  a  body  now  it  would 
be  of  incalculable  benefit.  Have  your  three  best  men  sent 
at  once.  We  will  give  them  ministerial  powers  to  treat  with 
foreign  governments.  They  should,  of  course,  be  men  of  the 
highest  possible  attainments. 

You  should  at  once  have  new  bond  plates  engraved,  or  the 
old  plates  will  answer  with  your  name,  or  that  of  the  party 
appointed  by  a  general  congress  as  American  financial  agent, 
instead  of  the  name  of  John  O'Mahony;  or  if  John  O'Mahony 
was  appointed  to  that  position  the  present  bonds  would  answer 
but  not  the  old  series.  Authority  is  hereby  given  to  a  general 
American  congress  to  bind  the  Irish  Republic  in  sums  not  less 
than  ten  dollars  and  to  any  individual  (in  one  bond)  to  ten 
thousand  dollars.  I  will  at  once  forward  addresses  to  which 
communications  can  be  safely  sent  for  me.  M.  M.  will  know 
how  to  find  out  those  addresses.    Mind  the  brackets. 

In  fine,  don't  mind  newspaper  reports.  It  is  war  to  the  knife. 
Only  send  us  the  knife.  I  am  a  man  of  my  word.  Never 
cease  until  you  hear  I  am  dead.  The  flag  is  flying.  Proclaim 
war  to  the  knife.  (Remember  me  to  Maclntyre!)  The  Brit- 
ishers propose  now  to  hang  our  Irish-American  officers. 
Already  I  see  that  a  charge  of  treason  is  to  be  preferred  against 
all  our  men  captured.  Hanging  is  said  to  be  too  good  for 
Irishmen  who  left  their  homes  to  learn  the  use  of  arms!  For 
God's  sake  send  us  the  knife! 


28o  APPENDIX    TO 

We  will  win  with  anything  in  our  hands.  Curses  on  the 
recreant  American-Irish,  those  VN^hose  ambition  it  is  to  be  citi- 
zens of  a  country,  which  scorns  them  at  home  and  repudiates 
their  claims  to  citizenship  abroad.  Let  man,  woman  and  child 
rally  round  the  green  flag  while  one  man  is  in  the  field.  If  I 
could  only  transport  two  thousand  Poles  to  Ireland  they  are  at 
our  service,  and  yet  Irishmen  remain  cool-blooded,  sneaking 
and  looking  for  Irish  news  in  American  cities!  Damn  such 
men,  who  don't  sell  all  but  the  clothes  on  their  backs  for 
dear  old  Ireland!  Where  now  are  the  men  who  promised  me 
they  would  give  their  five,  ten,  twenty,  fifty  and  hundred,  thou- 
sand dollar  subscriptions.  Remember  what  I  said  in  America! 
Mark  every  Irishman  who  refuses!  Give  the  fullest  credit  to 
every  man  who  behaves  well  now  in  the  day  of  our  trial.  It 
is  almost  post  time  and  I  must  close. 

Regards  to  M.  M.,  P.  O'K.,  O'S  and  the  F.  B. 
Faithfully  and  fraternally, 

THOMAS  KELLY,  Acting  C.  E.  I.  R. 


DENIEFFE"S   RECOLLECTIONS. 


281 


:  LXXXV 

SKETCH    OF  GEN.   KERWIN'S   MILITARY   CAREER. 

The  following  is  taken  from  "Bates'  Martial  Deeds  of  Penn- 
sylvania." 

Michael  Kerwin,  Colonel  of  the  Thirteenth  Pennsylvania 
Cavalry,  was  born  on  the  15th  of  August,  1837,  in  the  County 
of  Wexford,  Ireland,  from  which  place  his  family  emigrated 
during  his  early  boyhood  to  America.  He  was  educated  in  a 
private  academy  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  and  in  early  youth 


GENERAL     MICHAEL     KERWIN. 

learned  the  business  of  a  lithographic  printer.  Of  a  studious 
turn  of  mind,  he  early  acquired  a  good  fund  of  general  in- 
formation. He  was  a  member  for  several  years  of  a  volunteer 
militia  company,  in  which  he  attained  considerable  knowl- 
edge  of  military  organization  and   duty. 

Three  days  after  the  call  for  troops,  in  April,  1861,  he  vol- 
unteered as  a  private  in  the  Twenty-fourth  Regiment  for  three 
months'  service.  This  organization  formed  part  of  Patter- 
son's Army,  with  which  he  advanced  into  Virginia.  Before 
crossing  the  Potomac,  where  it  was  known   the  enemy  was 


282  APPENDIX    TO 

present  in  considerable  force,  it  became  very  important  to  the 
Union  leader  that  he  should  know  what  troops  he  would  have 
to  meet.  Some  valuable  soldier  was  sought,  who  would  enter 
the  rebel  lines  and  gather  the  desired  information.  For  this 
dangerous  and  important  duty  Kerwin  volunteered  his  services. 
Full  well  he  knew  that,  should  he  be  discovered,  death  await- 
ed him.  But  he  was  not  of  the  temper  to  hesitate  when 
called  for  any  duty  which  his  country  might  demand.  Adopt- 
ing the  necessary  disguise  he  crossed  the  Potomac  river,  went 
freely  through  the  enemy's  camps,  which  he  found  near  Mar- 
tinsburg,,  and  after  making  an  estimate  of  the  number  of 
men  and  guns  and  outlines  of  fortifications,  returned  and  re- 
ported to  General  Negley,  then  in  command  of  the  brigade  to 
which  he  belonged. 

The  successful  manner  in  which  this  duty  was  performed, 
and  the  judgment  and  daring  which  he  displayed  in  exe- 
cuting it,  marked  him  as  worthy  of  a  better  rank  than  that 
of  bearing  a  musket. 

In  September,  1861,  after  having  been  discharged  at  the 
expiration  of  his  first  term,  he  was  commissioned  captain  in 
the  Thirteenth  Cavalry,  and  in  July  following  was  promoted 
to  Major.  During  the  12th,  13th,  14th  and  15th  days  of  June, 
1863,  when  Melroy's  little  force,  in  which  the  Thirteenth  was 
serving,  was  confronted  and  finally  routed  by  the  advance  of 
Lee's  entire  army,  Major  Kerwin,  at  the  head  of  his  regiment, 
rendered  important  service,  having  frequent  conflicts  with 
the  over-confident  rebel  horse.  After  leaving  the  valley,  the 
regiment  was  attached  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  when 
Major  Kerwin  was  promoted  to  Colonel  and  took  command 
of  the  regiment. 

On  the  12th  day  of  October,  1863,  while  on  the  advance 
picket  line  near  White  Sulphur  Springs,  Va.,  he  was  attacked 
by  a  heavy  force  of  the  rebel  army,  Lee  seeking  by  a  sudden 
movement  to  turn  the  Union  right.  Colonel  Kerwin  with  his 
own  regiment  in  connection  with  the  Fourth  Cavalry,  com- 
bated the  head  of  Elwell's  columns  for  six  long  hours,  giving 
time  for  Meade  to  recross  the  Rappahannock  and  get  his 
army  into  position  to  checkmate  the  wily  scheme  of  the  rebel 
chieftain.  Gallantly  was  this  duty  executed,  but  at  the  sacri- 
fice of  these  two  noble  comnaands,.  large  numbers  of  both  being 
killed,   wounded  and  taken  prisoners. 

During  the  year  1864,  Colonel  Kerwin  led  his  force  with 
Sheridan  in  his  operations  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
for  a  time  being  in  command  of  the  Second  Brigade  of  Gregg's 
Division.  In  February,  1865,  he  went  with  his  regiment  from 
before  Petersburg  to  City  Point,  where  he  proceeded  by  trans- 
port to  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  to  meet  Sherman,  who 
was  marching  up  from  Georgia.  On  joining  the  grand  column 
at  Fayetteville,  Colonel  Kerwin  was  assigned  to  the  command 
of  the  Third  Brigade  of  Kilpatrick's  Division. 

After  the  surrender  of  Johnstown,  Colonel  Kerwin  was  or- 
dered to  Fayetteville  with  his  regiment,  and  placed  in  Com- 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  283 

mand  of  the  Post,  He  had  seven  counties  under  his  control, 
and  managed  the  affairs  of  his  department  with  singular  skill 
and  ability.  After  the  conclusion  of  hostilities  he  returned 
to  Philadelphia,  where,  near  the  close  of  July,  1865,  he  was 
mustered  out  of  service,  having  been  on  duty  continuously 
from  opening  to  the  conclusion  of  the  war. 

NOTE. — General  Michael  Kerwin  was  one  of  the  bravest 
and  most  skillful  officers  sent  from  America  to  Ireland  in  1865. 
He  served  with  distinction  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  rising 
to  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  When  he  was  mustered 
out  he  immediately  went  to  Ireland,  commissioned  by  John 
O'Mahony  to  James  Stephens,  Chief  Organizer  of  the  Irish 
Revolutionary  Brotherhood.  While  in  Ireland,  he  was  arrested 
and  detained  in  prison  many  months.  On  his  return  to  this 
country  he  continued  active  in  the  Irish  cause  and  even  to 
this  day  is  prominent  in  its  councils.  For  many  years  he 
was  connected  with  the  New  York  Post  Office,  was  Collector 
of  Internal  Revenue  for  the  Second  District  of  New  York, 
Police  Commissioner  of  the  City  of  New  York  and  is  at 
present  occupying  the  responsible  position  of  Pension  Agent 
for  New  York,  having  succeeded  Gen.  Franz  Siegel  in  that 
office.  Gen.  Kerwin  was  also  editor  and  publisher  of  the  Nev/ 
York  Tablet,  and  is  the  author  of  many  valuable  papers  on 
Ireland  and  America. 


284  APPENDIX    TO 

LXXXVI 
GEN.   DENIS   F.    BURKE. 

The  following  sketch  of  the  life  of  Gen.  Burke  is  taken  from 
"Powell's  Army  and  Navy." 

Brevet  Brigadier  General  Denis  F.  Burke  was  born  in  Ire- 
land in  1841,  and  emigrated  to  the  United  States  in  1856.  He 
was  engaged  in  the  dry  goods  business  in  the  house  of  A.  T. 
Stewart  &  Co.,  and  H.  B.  Claflin  &  Co.,  New  York  city. 

When  Fort  Sumpter  was  fired  upon  he  enlisted  in  the  Sixty- 
^■•inth  Militia,  in  the  company  commanded  by  Capt.  Thos.  F. 
Meagher,  subsequently  organizer  and  commander  of  the  Irish 
Brigade.  The  Sixty-ninth  Militia  was  called  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States  for  ninety  days.  He  participated  with  his 
regiment  in  the  battles  of  Blackburn's  Ford  and  the  first 
Bull  Run,  returning  with  it  to  New  York  when  their  time  ex- 
pired. Immediately  after,  Ge|neral  Meagher  organized  the 
three  New  York  regiments  of  his  famous  brigade,  viz:  Sixty- 
third,  Sixty-ninth  and  Eighty-eighth  New  York  Volunteers. 

General  Burke  was  commissioned  second  lieutenant  in  the 
Eighty-eighth  Regiment  and  was  with  it  from  Fair  Oaks  to 
Appomattox  Court  House,  never  missing  a  battle  in  which  his 
regiment  or  brigade  enjoyed  participation  during  the  entire 
war.  He  enjoyed  the  privilge  of  being  the  only  officer  of  the 
Irish  Brigade  who  went  out  with  it  in  1861  and  remained  until 
the  close  of  the  war. 

The  casualties  among  the  officers  of  the  brigade  were  very 
heavy.  He  was  promoted  first  lieutenant  at  the  battle  of 
Malvern  Hill,  and  adjutant  of  his  regiment  at  Hamson's  Land- 
ing, and  at  Antietam  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain  for 
distinguished  conduct. 

He  was  severely  wounded  at  Fredericksburg,  Virginia, 
December  13,  1862,  when  the  company  (C)  he  commanded  was 
almost  annihilated.  He  returned  to  duty  in  time  for  the 
battle  of  Chancellorsville,  where  he  was  again  wounded. 

After  this  battle  his  regiment,  on  account  of  its  terrible 
losses,  was  consolidated  into  a  battalion,  and  he  was  placed  in 
command. 

He  was  at  Gettysburg  and  received  commendation  on  the 
battlefield  from  General  Hancock  for  his  conduct. 

During  General  Meade's  retrograde  movement  from  Rapidan 
to  Centreville,  Burke  commanded  the  flankers  of  the  Second 
Brigade,  First  Division,  Second,  Corps,  and  was  the  first 
to  discover  the  enemy's  position  near  Bristoe  Station,  and  to 
report  the  facts  to  General  Warren,  then  commanding  the 
Second  Corps,  receiving  from  that  officer  high  praise. 

After  the  Mine  Run  campaign  the  three  New  York  regiments 
r€*-enlisted  and  were  serit  back  to  recruit.  The  regiments  were 
fully  recruited,  and  Burke  came  back  lieutenant  colonel  of 
the  regiment. 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  285 

He  was  in  the  Battle  of  the  Wilderness,  Todd's  Tavern,  and 
Spottsylvania,  May  5,  1864.  His  regiment  was  one  of  the  first 
to  cross  the  earthworks  at  the  "bloody  angle"  on  the  morning 
of  May  12.  He  was  at  Cold  Harbor  June  3,  and  at  Petersburg 
June  17,  1864. 

While  in  command  of  the  Irish  Brigade  on  October  29,  1864, 
at  Fort  Sedgwick,  General  Burke  was  ordered  to  attack  the 
enemy's  line  at  night.  This  he  did  with  great  success,  calling 
from  Gen.  N.  A.  Miles,  commanding  First  Division,  Second 
Corps,  the  following  recommendation  to  General  Hancock: 

"That  Lieut.  Col.  Denis  F.  Burke,  Eighty-eighth  Regiment, 
New  York  Veteran  Volunteers,  receive  the  rank  of  brevet 
colonel  for  gallantry  in  action  October  29,  1864.  Co-onel 
Burke,  with  a  party  of  one  hundred  men,  attacked  and  captured 
a  portion  of  the  enemy's  line  opposite  Fort  Sedgwick,  taking 
3ome  prisoners  and  holding  the  line  until  ordered  to  withdraw." 

Burke  was  subsequently  commissioned  colonel  of  his  regi- 
ment, and  took  part  in  all  the  battles  during  the  siege  of 
Petersburg. 

He  was  several  times  complimented  by  General  Hancock, 
and  previous  to  his  departure  from  the  Second  Corps  to  take 
command  at  Washington,  General  Hancock  recommended 
Burke  for  the  brevet  of  brigadier  general,  which  he  received 
after  the  surrender  of  Lee. 

General  Hancock's  opinion  of  Burke:  "I  can  state  that  he 
was  a  gallant  and  faithful  officer  who  rose  from  the  ranks  to 
the  colonelcy  by  his  good  conduct  and  services  in  the  field. 

"He  received  his  brevet  of  brigadier  general  of  volunteers 
upon  my  recommendation  for  gallant  and  meritorious  services 
during  the  campaign  of  1864." 

After  the  close  of  the  war  General  Burke  returned  with  his 
command  to  New  York,  and  again  engaged  in  mercantile  life. 

He  was  subsequently  appointed  assistant  appraiser  of  mer- 
chandise at  the  port  of  New  York. 

Note. — Brig.  Gen.  Denis  F.  Burke  was  one  of  those  men 
who  distinguished  himself  alike  in  the  service  of  Ireland  and 
America.  He  was  noted  for  his  bravery  as  a  soldier  and  his 
skill  as  a  commanding  officer,  while  from  the  opening  to  the 
closing  of  his  eventful  career  he  was  always  devoted  to  the 
interest  of  his  native  land,  and  suffered  imprisonment  in  its 
cause.  After  his  return  from  Ireland  he  published  the  New 
York  Emerald,  an  illustrated  Irish  wee'ly  of  much  merit. 
and  was  connected  with  Gen.  M.  Kerwin  in  the  publication  of 
the  New  York  Tablet.     He  died  in  New  York  in  1896. 


286  APPENDIX    TO 

LXXXVII 

CORK  AND  THE  '67  RISING. 

Interesting  Recollections  of  a  Famous  Episode. 


Mr.  J.  F.  X.  O'Brien,  M.  P.,  when  presiding  over  the  Man- 
chester Martyrs'  Anniversary  Demonstration  in  London,  on 
November  23,  1904,  told  his  reminiscences  of  the  Rising  in 
Cork  on  March  6,  1867,  and  his  meeting  with  Michael  O'Brien, 
one  of  the  "Manchester  Martyrs."    Mr.  O'Brien  said: 

"It  was  my  fortune  on  the  sixth  of  March,  1867,  to  meet  one 
of  the  'noble-hearted  Three' — Michael  O'Brien.  Perhaps  it 
would  interest  you  to  learn  under  what  circumstances  I  met 
him.  In  1849  I  was  in  the  movement  organized  by  Fintan  Lalor, 
and  had  to  leave  Ireland  to  avoid  arrest.  Later  I  went  to  Nic- 
aragua in  Central  America,  hoping  to  acquire  some  military  ex- 
perience, and  I  met  James  Stephens  in  New  Orleans,  where  I 
was  a  member  of  a  Branch  of  the  I.  R.  B. 

"In  '62  I  returned  to  Ireland,  and  there  joined  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  I.  R.  B.  at  Cork,  and  to  make  a  long  story  short, 
when  Stephens  sent  to  Cork  the  order  for  the  '67  Rising  I  was 
one  of  those  called  upon  to  vote  for  or  against  the  Rising. 
The  responsibility  was  very  grave.  It  had  been  given  out  that 
depots  of  arms  had  been  provided  at  certain  places — Mallow, 
Limerick  Junction,  etc.  But  judging  by  what  I  had  seen  and 
heard,  I  distrusted  these  rumors,  and  I  could  not  agree  to  send- 
ing unarmed  men  to  be  slaughtered.  So  I  voted  against  the 
Rising,  but  I  submitted  to  the  ruling  of  the  majority,  and  I 
need  hardly  tell  you  I  was  'there'  on  the  eventful  day.  It  is  a 
painful  thing  to  say,  but  years  after  I  learned  that  men  who 
had  voted  for  the  Rising  did  not  themselves  turn  out.  The 
party  I  joined  at  our  rendezvous  numbered  some  1,500  or  2,000. 
I  gathered  that  altogether  about  5,000  left  Cork  that  night,  two 
other  parties  going  by  other  roads.  Of  our  body,  about  a 
dozen  had  pikes  of  a  poor  sort,  two  had  shotguns,  one  a  small 
rifle,  five,  myself  among  the  rest,  had  revolvers.  That  was  our 
armament.  I  met  Captain  MacKey,  and  learned  that  of  the  two 
men  appointed  to  command,  one  had  been  arrested,  and  the 
other  was  not  to  be  found.  I  was  told  he  proved  to  be  a  bad 
scamp.  I  urged  Mackey,  who  was  even  then  very  well  known, 
that  he  should  take  command,  but  he  declined. 

"I  then  met  Michael  O'Brien,  and  pressed  him  also  to  take 
command,  but  he,  too,  declined.  Apparently,  he  did  not  feel 
justified  in  accepting  the  responsibility,  though  I  need  not  tell 
you  how  he  proved  the  stuff  he  was  made  of  at  Manchester. 
Eventually,  I  took  charge  of  a  few  hundrea  men,  and  tried  to 
organize  them.  We  were  soon  stepping  out  bravely  to  a  march- 
ing tune,  sung  or  whistled  as  we  went  along,  and  our  spirits 
rose  rapidly.  When  we  approached  Ballyknocken,  it  was  de- 
cided   that   Mackey,    with   fifty    men,    should   visit    the   police 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  287 

barrack.  Some  of  them  were  only  boys  of  sixteen  and  seven- 
teen years  of  age.  One  young  fellow  carried  a  knapsack  which 
belonged  to  me.  I  mention  it  in  order  to  illustrate  the  power 
of  police  swearing,  for  they  swore  that  they  were  attacked 
by  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  each  carrying  a  rifle  and  knap- 
sack (laughter).  On  arrival  at  the  police  barrack,  we  told  the 
police  to  send  out  the  women  and  children,  which  was  done.- 
We  then  set  fire  to  the  building.  Remember,  we  were  unarmed 
— and  with  their  rifles  the  police  might  easily  have  repulsed  us. 

"After  a  while  the  stairs  were  burned,  and  the  floor  the 
police  were  standing  on  was  on  fire,  and  the  police  seeing  the 
priest  on  the  road,  called  to  him,  and  asked  him  his  advice. 
He  asked  'Have  you  done  your  best?'  and  they  answered 
Lhat  they  had.  'Well,  then,  my  men,'  said  he,  'you  are  not 
bound  to  lay  down  lives,'  and  they  promptly  surrendered.  A 
ladder  was  then  laid  against  the  window  to  let  them  down. 
They  were  to  hand  us  their  arms  and  ammunition  first,  which 
was  a  proper  precaution  in  the  circumstances,  but  the  first 
man,  forgetting  this,  was  coming  down  rifie  in  hand.  This 
being  observed  by  the  man  who  carried  our  one  rifie,  he  let 
fly  at  the  policeman  from  the  road,  and  with  good  effect,  for  he 
cut  the  chin-strap  close  to  the  policeman's  ear.  Of  course 
he  yelled,  and  I  ordered  the  firing  to  cease. 

"The  police  now  immediately  remembered  their  conditions, 
and  handed  down  their  rifies,  and  came  down  themselves.  In 
addition  to  the  fifty  men,  who  I  mentioned  took  part  in  the 
attack,  one  or  two  hundred  now  came  up  to  see  what  was  going 
on,  and  they  got  the  idea  the  credit  was  due  to  me,  for  they 
now  addressed  me  as  Colonel  O'Brien.  Some  of  the  policemen 
were  willing  to  join  us  after  the  surrender,  but  I  would  not 
allow  it.  I  saw  that  the  thing  was  a  forlorn  hope,  and  that 
we  could  do  nothing,  and  I  did  not  want  these  men  to  ruin 
their  lives.  Some  of  our  own  men  wanted  to  take  them 
prisoners,  but  this  also  I  would  not  have,  as  it  would  be 
giving  the  police  opportunities  for  recognizing  numbers  of 
our  men, 

"Truly,  this  is  not  a  cheerful  tale,  but  the  wonder  of  it  is — 
and  it  is  almost  miraculous — that  the  story  of  Ireland  for 
more  than  700  years  has  been  a  terrible  list  of  disasters, 
with  occasional  brilliant  successes,  and  yet  we  have  never 
given  up  the  fight.  Scarcely  a  generation  rises  up  in  that 
ancient  land  but  it  nourishes  new  hopes,  forever  declining 
to  accept  as  final,  or  to  be  disheartened,  by  the  disasters  of 
the  past.  This  is  a  wonderful,  a  really  grand  thing  to  con- 
template. No  other  race  of  men  in  this  world  can  show 
such  a  record.  Situated  as  Ireland  is,  our  people  should  ever 
be  as  ready — as  were  the  men  whose  martyrdom  we  com- 
memorate to-night,  to  fiing  their  lives  away,  if  necessary, 
for  the  salvation  of  our  country. 

"If  this  were  so,  and  known  to  all,  it  would,  most  likely, 
never  more  be  necessary  to  make  a  great  sacrifice.  Upon 
this  I  would  like  to  make  one  remark:      Men  ready  to  take 


288  APPENDIX    TO 

up  such  a  position,  should  always  keep  themselves  readj 
to  face  the  hereafter^  and  so, 

'Righteous  men  should  make  our  land 
A  Nation  once  again.' 

The  5,000  young  men  who  went  out  unarmed  from  the  City 
of  Cork  on  the  6th  of  March,  '67,  gave  an  extraordinary  proof 
of  courage.  Nothing  I  have  ever  read  has  given  me  a  higher 
idea  of  an  indomitable  spirit.  What  could  such  men  do  and 
dare  if  only  trained,  armed  and  well  led." 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  289 

LXXXVIII 

A  writer  in  the  "Westminster  Review"  said  "England  never 
legislated  for  Ireland  except  under  the  influence  of  fear;  Fe- 
nianism  disestablished  the  Irish  Church;  Whiteboyism  is  un- 
effected  Title  Reform;  the  Clerkenwell  Explosions  (we  have 
Mr.  Gladstone's  own  authority  for  saying)  brought  about  the 
Land  Bill  and  Dynamite  has  brought  Home  Rule  within  the 
scope  of  Practical  Politics." 

The  series  of  explosions  which  so  affected  Parliamentary 
opinion  in  England  occurred  on  the  following  dates: 

1881. 

Jan  14,  Explosion  at  the  Military  Barracks,  Salford. 

March  16,  Attempted  explosion  at  the  Mansion  House,  Lon- 
don. 

May  5,  Explosion  at  Militia  Barracks,  Chester. 

May  16,  Explosion  at  Police  Station,  Hatton  Garden,  Liver- 
pool. 

June  10,  Explosion  at  the  Town  Hall,  Liverpool. 

1883. 

Jan.  20,  Explosion  at  Buchanan  St.  Railway  Station,  Glasgow. 

Jan.  20,  Explosion  at  Gasometer,  Irdeston,  Glasgow. 

Jan.  20,  Explosion  at  Canal  Bridge,  Glasgow. 

March  15,  Explosion  at  Local  Government  Board  Offices, 
Whitehall,   London. 

March  15,  Attempted  Explosion  "Times"  Office,  London. 

Nov.  30,.  Explosion  at  Praed  Street  Station,  London. 

Nov.  30,  Explosion  between  Westminister  Bridge  and  Char- 
ing Cross  Railway  Station,  London. 

1884. 

Feb.  25;  Attempted  Explosion  at  Charing  Cross  Railway 
Station,   London. 

Feb.  25,  Attempted  Explosion  at  Paddington  Railway  Sta- 
tion, London. 

Feb.  25,  Attempted  Explosion  at  Ludgate  Hill  Railway  Sta- 
tion, London. 

Feb.  26,  Explosion  at  Victoria  Railway  Station,  London. 

May  30,  Explosion  at  Scotland  Yard,  London. 

May  30,  Explosion  at  Junior  Carlton  Club,  London. 

May  30,  Explosion  at  Residence  of  Sir  Watkym  Wynn,  Lon- 
don. 

May  30,  Attempted  Explosion  in  Trafalgar  Square,  London. 

Dec.  13,  Explosion  at  London  Bridge. 

1885. 

Jan.  2,  Explosion  between  Gower  St.  and  Kings  Cross  on 
Underground  Railway,  London. 

Jan.   24,  Explosion  at  Westminister   Hall,   London. 

Jan.  24,  Explosion  at  the  House  of  Commons,  London, 

Jan.  24,  Explosion  at  the  Tower  of  London. 


290  APPENDIX    TO 

LXXXIX 

The  two  following  letters  in  the  handwriting  of  John  Boyle 
O'Reilly,  editor  of  the  Boston  Pilot,  addressed  to  O'Donovan 
Rossa,  are  interesting  in  showing  the  kindly  spirit  of  the  man 
and  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  held  Rossa.  His  determina- 
tion to  criticize  Irish  speakers,  giving  praise  or  blame  as  he 
considered  it  deserved,  was  evidently  something  that  had  not 
usually  been  done  before. 


OFFICE  OF  THE  PILOT. 

Boston,  September  14,  1871. 
My  Dear  Rossa:  — 

Thank  you  for  writing  so  long  a  letter  to  me  when  I  know 
you  are  so  busy.  I've  been  angry  all  morning  about  this  same 
charitable  affair  of  the  two  "Homes."  There's  a  mess  and  a 
mixture,  and  I'm  glad  you  said  you  couldn't  come.  Let  me  try 
to  tell  you  what  I  understand  about  it  from  Donahoe,  First, 
the  Home  Directors  in  Boston  had  not  been  consulted  when 
Donahoe  telegraphed  to  you.  He  took  it  for  granted  that  they 
would  be  agreeable  to  anything  he  proposed.  Now  it  appears 
That  they  had  partly  engaged  a  lecturer,  Hon.  Wm.  Parsons,  I 
think,  for  November  to  speak  for  the  benefit  of  the  Home; 
and  when  Donahoe  put  forward  his  idea  of  having  a  reading, 
half  the  proceeds  from  which  should  go  to  Ireland,  the  "charit- 
able" directors  reared  up  and  became  unruly.  So  Donahoe  was 
frightened,  and  let  them  have  their  own  way.  He  thought  that 
if  you  came  he  could  secure  as  much  for  the  Boston  Home  as 
the  other  entertainment  could.  And  so  it  is  best  let  them  have 
their  lecture  and  all  the  profits  this  time;  and  when  that  is 
over  we  shall  get  up  a  better  one  for  the  Kantwell  Home,  if 
Mrs.  Rossa  will  only  rest  assured  that  this  result  was  entirely 
unlooked  for,  and  that  all  her  friends  here  are  sincerely  anxious 
to  welcome  her  again  to  New  England. 

Now,  as  to  your  objections  against  a  visit  to  Boston,  I'm 
devilish  glad  you  hate  public  speaking;  I  do,  and  I  wish  more 
men  did.  I  mean  to  alter  it,  too — if  I  can.  Formerly  the  men 
who  spoke  to  Irish  audiences  spoke  nonsense  or  worse,  and 
it  was  praised.  Nobody  ever  dreamt  of  criticizing  an  Irish 
speech.  I'll  do  it.  I'll  attend  every  Irish  lecture  in  Boston; 
and  I'll  praise  or  blame  impartially.  I've  made  one  thing  a 
specialty — to  fight  this  confounded  praise  of  everything  Irish 
and  hated  of  everything  un-Irish,  and  try  to  induce  other  men 
to  do  the  same.  We  must  criticize  our  own  people,  Rossa,  if 
we  want  to  raise  them.  They  will  not  bear  criticism  from  out- 
siders, which  is  thrown  to  them  as  a  bone  might  be  to  a  dog — 
not  offered  them  as  from  a  man  to  his  fellow-man  with  a  good 
intent.  I'm  afraid  that  confounded  Tammany  will  make  them 
suspect  your  honest  when  you  talk,  and,  if  so,  I'll  be  sorry,  for 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  291 

I  know  you  will  speak  the  truth.  I  saw  the  Star.  It's  a  mean 
paper,  Rossa,  a  mighty  mean  paper — on  a  par  with  the  Irish 
Democrat,  which  this  morning  nearly  gave  me  the  cholera. 
Oh!  damn  those  fellows. 

I'm  sorry  if  I  wronged  O'Leary;  but  he  gave  me  that  im- 
pression. Truly,  after  I  wrote  that  letter  to  you  I  felt  that  I 
had  wronged  him,  and  that  it  was  my  own  ill-temper  that 
made  me  feel  so  badly.  Serves  you  right  about  your  "Prison 
Life;"  you  don't  deserve  a  cent.  I  told  Donahoe  this  morning, 
and  he  said:  "If  he  had  offered  it  to  me  in  the  first  place  I 
certainly  would  have  laken  it."  As  it  is^  I  think  the  really 
interesting  part  is  just  commencing,  and  the  part  with  the  least 
objectionable  matter  for  The  Pilot.  The  "Prison  Life"  could 
be  made  an  entire  thing,  and  when  finished  the  whole  made 
into  a  book.  If  you  break  with  the  others,  or  before  you  do, 
write  to  Donahoe  and  offer  it  to  him.  Write  and  tell  me  same 
mail,  and  don't  put  your  "ofllciai"  envelope  on  that  letter  for 
me.  I'll  manage  the  matter  if  it  can  be  done.  Depend  on  it, 
when  we  get  rid  of  our  present,  I'll  make  Donahoe  offer  you 
the  N.  Y.  correspondentship  which  you  can  take  or  refuse  at 
will.     What  a  devil  of  a  long  letter  this  is! 

Don't  you  be  afraid  that  I  will  hesitate  to  pitch  into  you 
if  you  get  out  of  the  straight  tracks.  Man  alive,  there's  a  sort 
of  heroism  in  pitching  into  a  friend.  When  I  do  it  I  feel  so 
like  the  Galway  judge,  who  hung  his  own  son,  that  I'm  sorely 
tempted  to  be  always  doing  a  little  that  way.  Dominus  Vobis- 
cum.  Writing  for  The  Pilot  is  next  thing  to  Holy  Orders,  and 
it  has  brought  me  near  matrimony — that's  an  after-thought — 
mighty  good  one.  Faithfully, 

J.  BOYLE  O'REILLY. 


XC. 

THE  PILOT  OFFICE. 

No,    19   Franklin    Street. 

Patrick  Donahoe,  Proprietor. 

Boston,  September  27,  1871. 
My  Dear  Rossa:  — 

I  enclose  you  a  ticket  for  admission  to  the  New  Home  in 
Boston,  at  Donahoe's  request;  and  I  personally  hope  it  will  do 
you  a  great  deal  of  good — which  it  must,  if  you  receive  it  in  the 
proper  spirit. 

(That's  a  nice  paragraph — meaning  nothing  at  all.) 
Now  listen^  or  rather  read  attentively,  and  when  you  have 
read,  sit  down  and  write  an  answer  by  telegram;  address  it  to 
Patrick  Donahoe.     (That's  a  mighty  good  name  on  a  bill.) 


292  APPENDIX    TO 

Can  you  lecture  in  Boston  for  the  Home  on  Tuesday,  Octo- 
ber 17,  for  $100,  or  can  you  not?  There  now,  none  of  your 
quibbling.  Out  with  it.  Can  you  come?  If  you  can't,  you'll 
get  hell  in  The  Pilot;  and  we  never  want  to  hear  anything 
more  about  you — at  least  I  don't.  If  you  don't  come  you're 
kicking  $100  in  the  mud,  and  if  you  had  a  due  regard  for  your 
offspring  you  wouldn't  do  it.  (By  the  way,  you're  an  indus- 
trious feilow.). 

Seriously,  try  and  come;  make  arrangements  in  Lowell,  Law- 
rence, and  two  or  three  places  around,  and  you'll  make  piles 
of  money.  Besides,  Mrs.  O'Reilly  (that  is  to  be)  is  just  crazy 
to  see  you,  and  she's  the  very  nicest  girl  in  New  England. 
Rossa,  that  in  itself  should  bring  you  along.  Besides,  again, 
coming  under  the  auspices  of  The  Pilot,  I  won't  criticize  you 
too  hard.  If  you  refuse  to  come,  I'll  follow  you  like  a  sleuth 
hound  wherever  you  go  to  talk  and  give  you  

Now,  let  me  tell  you,  this  letter  is  all  my  own.  But  Donahoe 
wants  you  to  come;  it  is  a  personal  favor  to  him,  and  you'll 
meet  friends.  I  tell  you,  Rossa,  that  little  girl  is  crazy  about 
you;  she  never  was  in  Ireland,  and  slie  thinks  you're  a  good 
deal  of  ruffian,  a  philosopher,  and  a  bull.  That's  a  gentle 
compliment  for  you,  now.     Telegraph  "yes"  at  once. 

JOHN  BOYLE  O'REILLY. 


XOI. 

The  following  letter  (we  withhold  the  name  of  the  writer) 
found  among  Rossa's  papers  would  seem  to  indicate  that  a 
turbulent  meeting  held  at  the  Rotunda  and  not  the  loss  of  the 
Meehan  papers  attracted  the  attention  of  the  government  to 
the  I.  R.  B.  and  their  organ,  the  "Irish  People." 

It  is  probable  the  raid  on  the  newspaper  office  and  the  ac- 
companying arrests  were  the  result  of  a  series,  or  combination, 
of  events  which  taken  together  tended  to  bring  the  movement 
under  the  notice  of  the  authorities. 


508  Wabash  Ave.,  Chicago,  April  15,  1903. 

Dear  Rossa:— Here  is  the  letter  of  T.  D.  S.,  which  P.  W. 
Dunne  read  with  interest.  He  was  puzzled  as  to  how  the  author 
of  "God  Save  Ireland"  got  the  brief  for  your  defence.  I  was 
not  puzzled,  as  Lawless  held  the  Nation  men  in  high  esteem, 
as  did  also  Isaac  Butt.  The  latter  defended  A.  M.  Sullivan  at 
Wicklow  in  the  celebrated  case,  White  versus  "The  Nation- 
White,  you  know,  was  the  coroner  who  concealed  the  govern- 
ment murders  in  the  Dublin  Prisons.  A.  M.  was  inspired  in  re- 
lation to  them  by  an  official  whose  name  I  must  conceal.   White's 


DENIEFFE'S    RECOLLECTIONS.  293 

infamy  was  exposed  in  the  Nation  on  which  he  based  an  action 
for  libel  which  was  tried  by  an  Orange  jury.  The  trial  was 
rich  in  episodes.  The  encounters  between  Butt  and  brutal 
Armstrong,  and  between  the  latter  and  A.  M.  Sullivan  would 
prove  a  fascinating  page  in  Ireland's  history.  Isaac  tran- 
scended himself  in  the  defence  and  triumphed  in  the  verdict, 
and  although  Wicklow  was  not  in  his  circuit  he  declined  to 
take  the  fee  that  John  Scallan  tendered  to  him  as  A.  M.'s 
solicitor.  God  have  mercy  on  Butt  who  incarnated  all  the 
noble  instincts  and  the  vices  of  the  Gael. 

Do  you  remember,  Rossa,  the  Rotunda  fracas  in  '64?  I  see 
you  now  through  the  haze  of  time  bursting  through  the  north- 
ern door  and  leading  a  host  of  brave  but  misguided  rebels  that 
stormed  the  meeting  to  prevent  the  Dublin  loyalists  from  in- 
sulting Irish  sentiment  by  granting  in  College  Green  a  site  for 
the  statue  of  the  hated  Albert.  But  for  the  heroic  efforts  of 
A.  M.  Sullivan  that  historic  spot  would  not  now  be  graced  by 
that  glorious  masterpiece  of  Foley,  the  statue  of  the  immortal 
Grattan.  God  forgive  Stephens  for  his  inspiration  and  agency 
in  that  unfortunate  incident,  which  concentered  the  eyes  of 
Dublin  Castle  upon  the  seat  and  center  of  Irish  revolution  in 
Parliament  street.  That  row  was  a  suicidal  and  calamitous 
check  to  the  secret  propaganda  for  national  liberty,  causing 
the  death  of  "The  Irish  People"  (which  was  a  fatal  adven- 
ture) followed  by  the  capture,  imprisonment  and  exile  of  a 
noble  and  heroic  host  of  patriots,  few  of  whom,  alas!  survive 
to-day.  I  must  cease,  for  I'm  not  in  spirit  to  dwell  on  such  a 
painful  retrospect. 

Your  friend^ 


Date 

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